BODY WORN CAMERAS IN POLICING: THE VALUE AND COSTS OF
IMPLEMENTATION IN CANADA

By

Shaun Wright

MAJOR PAPER SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL
FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS
IN
CRIMINAL JUSTICE

In the School of Criminology and Criminal Justice

© Shaun Wright, 2017

UNIVERSITY OF THE FRASER VALLEY

Winter 2017

All rights reserved. This work may not be
reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy
or other means, without permission of the author.

Approval
Name: Shaun Wright
Degree: Masters of Arts in Criminal Justice
Title: BODY WORN CAMERAS IN POLICING: THE VALUE AND COSTS OF
IMPLEMENTATION IN CANADA
Examining Committee
Dr. Amy Prevost, Examining Committee Chair
GPC Chair
Director, School of Criminology and Criminal Justice

____________________________________
Dr. Amanda McCormick
Senior Supervisor
Associate Professor, School of Criminology and Criminal Justice

____________________________________
Bob Rich
Chief Constable
Abbotsford Police Department

Date Defended/Approved: April 27, 2017

ii

University of the Fraser Valley
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iii

Abstract
The use of body worn cameras in policing has received increased interest following a
number of high profile incidents in the USA since 2014. Body worn cameras have been touted
as a tool to increase transparency and hold police more accountable during interactions with
vulnerable sectors of the population. Political pressure and public opinion have encouraged
police agencies in Canada to explore the use of these devices, despite the fact that they operate in
a political and social climate that differs from that of the United States. An analysis of the
effects of body worn cameras on police and public interactions, the capabilities of current body
worn camera devices, concerns related to video surveillance by the police and the subsequent
effect on privacy rights of individuals, and financial costs show many challenges and
questionable benefit from the widespread use of body worn cameras by police particularly in the
Canadian context

iv

Contents

Abstract .............................................................................................................................. iv
Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1
Body Worn Cameras ........................................................................................................... 3
Public Confidence ............................................................................................................... 5
Public Complaints ............................................................................................................. 13
Value of BWC Evidence ................................................................................................... 17
Officer Performance and Training .................................................................................... 20
Privacy Concerns .............................................................................................................. 21
Technological Limitations ................................................................................................ 26
The Financial Costs of a BWC Program........................................................................... 33
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 37
References ......................................................................................................................... 41

v

Introduction
It is indisputable that rapidly changing technology affects nearly every aspect of modern
life. This has been the case in the realm of modern policing. The last thirty years has seen the
widespread implementation of technology in many aspects of policing. This has included many
technological advancements that have been adopted across North America, such as in-car
computers, GPS tracking, DNA analysis, and digital communications. These advancements have
assisted police in increasing efficiency, gathering evidence, and increasing their overall
effectiveness. Prior to the implementation of each of these technologies, police agencies had to
evaluate the costs and weigh them against the benefits the new technology would provide.
Many police agencies are currently evaluating new technological innovations to further
enhance their ability to provide effective policing. One of these that has received a considerable
amount of discussion and media attention over the last few years is the use of body worn
cameras (BWCs) by police officers. Much of the discussion and support for widespread
implementation of BWCs came as a result of media and political discussions in the wake of
significant social protest in the United States. The wave of protests was sparked by several
police use of force incidents that resulted in the death of minority suspects, such as in Ferguson,
Missouri in 2014, as well as several other major cities during the next year (Yan & Almasy,
2014; Davey & Bosman, 2014; Mueller & Southall, 2014). The introduction of BWCs was often
presented as a quick fix to fractured police-community relations and presented an opportunity for
political officials to both quickly and demonstrably take action in relation to this issue. As a
result, many police agencies quickly moved to implement widespread BWC programs across the
United States, with 42 of 68 “major city” police departments adopting their use within two years

1

(Sanchez, 2016). Axon, a division of Taser International, is one of several large manufacturers
of BWC devices. A press release on the Taser website announced publically that as of March
2016, over 3,500 of the approximately 18,000 police agencies in the United States had purchased
their BWCs. It also announced that in the six month period prior to March 2017, the company
had sold over 2,500 BWC devices in nine significant orders alone (Taser International). The
rapid proliferation of this technology in the United States has had an effect beyond the borders of
that country and the discussion of BWCs in policing became a subject of examination by the
public, politicians and police agencies across Canada as well.
The discussion about, and analysis of, the use of BWCs in policing has identified a
number of perceived benefits. The most publically discussed of those is increasing public
confidence in police through increased accountability of police officers. BWCs are perceived by
many as a method to reduce undesirable behaviours by police officers, particularly in relation to
visible minority suspects. BWCs have also been touted as a method to not only protect the
public, but to also protect police by discouraging or refuting unfounded or vexatious complaints
against them. Other perceived benefits of BWCs are the gathering of best evidence from in
progress events without the influence of subjective perceptions or bias. There are also potential
benefits from using BWCs to aid in the training and professional development of police officers.
Still, the implementation and use of BWCs in policing introduces several significant
challenges. Widespread video recording by police, the use, and dissemination of those
recordings raises concerns with regard to privacy rights of individuals. The cost of
implementing a comprehensive BWC program is a significant financial investment for any police
agency or associated level of government. The ongoing costs to maintain that program will also
be substantial. BWCs are only as effective as the current technology and current BWC platforms

2

have limitations that may prevent them from providing the quality of results that were anticipated
when programs were implemented. In addition to financial costs for BWC equipment, there is a
human resource cost associated to time required for training and ongoing administration of a
BWC program that potentially reduces the efficiency of front line officers.
This paper examines the potential benefits and challenges associated with BWC
programs in police agencies. The use of BWC programs in the United States, United Kingdom,
and Canada will be reviewed. The purpose is to determine if widespread implementation of
BWC is both practical and warranted in Canadian police agencies at this time.
Body Worn Cameras
Body worn cameras come in a considerable number of physical designs, ranging from
rectangular devices intended to be worn on the chest, to devices the shape and size of a small
flashlight that are worn on a headband or clip onto the officer’s clothing. The array of devices
available also provide a range of capabilities. However, they are all primarily designed to
accomplish the core function of constantly being carried by an individual for the purpose of
recording events. A report on different BWC devices available for purchase defined BWCs as
“cameras with at least one microphone and internal data storage, and [which] allow audio/video
footage to be stored and analyzed with compatible software. The cameras are typically located
on the police officer’s chest or head” (Hung, Babin & Coberly, 2016, p.1-9). In considering the
deployment of BWCs, a police agency must first select from the many types of BWC devices
available, but also the policy that officers within that agency will follow when using them.
The United Kingdom adopted the use of BWC prior to most other countries. The UK
Home Office provides national direction to police agencies, including a document regarding
BWC use, Guidance for the Police Use of Body-Worn Video Devices (2007). Direction is

3

provided that officers should not indiscriminately record throughout their entire shifts but should
use the BWC to record specific incidents. The officers have the discretion when to record but
are responsible for justifying why they chose not to record an incident. Officers are to treat all
recordings as if they are evidence. Officers are encouraged to begin recording with regard to an
incident as early as possible, including prior to arriving at an incident if possible. Officers
should make a verbal announcement that the BWC is actively recording. Officers are also
directed that once a recording is initiated, they must continue recording until the conclusion of
the incident. Direction is provided to officers that certain situations must not be recorded such as
any circumstances where person are in a state of undress and where legal privilege exists. They
are also advised to limit the use of video in private dwellings during domestic violence incidents
to only what is necessary as evidence for the case.
While not binding, the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) drafted a
model policy in 2014 to act as a framework for agencies implementing a BWC program. Similar
to the direction provided in the UK, officers are provided the guidance on when to activate the
BWC but are informed that they should continue recording after the device is activated until the
incident is concluded. It also similarly speaks to restricting use of the BWC in situation where
individuals have a heightened expectation of privacy (IACP, 2014).
These principles of officer discretion in the use of the BWC devices are represented in
the BWC policies of several North American police agencies such as Calgary, Edmonton,
Toronto, and Seattle (Calgary Police Service, 2015; Edmonton Police Service, 2015; Toronto
Police Service, 2016; Seattle Police Department, 2016). While many Canadian police services
have conducted pilot projects to study the feasibility of BWCs, only Calgary and Toronto
announced plans to implement full programs, equipping all uniformed officers (Platt, 2016;

4

Janus, 2016). Yes, less than a year after beginning the implementation of a full scale BWC
program, Calgary suspended the program due to issue of unreliability with the BWC devices
(Platt, 2016).
Public Confidence
Police are provided with lawful authority to use force against individuals in certain
circumstances. Section 25 of the Criminal Code provides authority for peace officers to use as
much force as is necessary in order to fulfill their duties in the enforcement of the law if they are
acting on reasonable grounds. Force used by police when an individual is not resisting, force
that continues after an individual stops resisting, and the use of greater force than required to
gain compliance from an individual are generally considered to be examples of excessive force
beyond the authority provided to police by law (Boivin & Lagace, 2016). The use of force by
police in Canada is a relatively infrequent event. A study of the Calgary Police Service defined
“police use of force” as any use of force above the level of handcuffing or low-level pain
compliance. The study found that 1.5 percent of all arrests involved a police use of force (Butler
& Hall, 2008). The use of force that was used in those incidents included physical control,
pepper spray, baton, conducted energy weapon, and carotid control. While no incidents of
firearm use were recorded in the study, such incidents would also be considered a police use of
force. Arrests make up only a small proportion of interactions between police and members of
the public. A study of police use of force in four Canadian cities showed that 99.9 percent of
police and public interactions do not involve police use of force (Hall, Votova & Wood, 2013).
When police use of force does occur, it is primarily when dealing with persons who are
intoxicated or emotionally disturbed.

5

One of the cornerstones of policing in western democratic countries is the concept of trust
between the police and the community. This sense of trust is a fundamental foundation of the
model developed by Sir Robert Peel (Stocker, Kocher, & Gritz, 2015). However, one major
criminological theory questions the validity of this preconceived level of trust. The premise of
Social Conflict Theory is that certain groups in society are dominated by individuals and groups
with greater power. This results in unequal opportunities, experiences and punishments for
different members of society, depending upon which group they belong to (Peak & Everitt,
2017). This theory assists in explaining both the incidents of violent, and sometimes deadly,
interactions between police and minority men, as well as the wave of protests that occurred after
those incidents. Peak and Everett argue that “for many who are downtrodden, the police
symbolize brutality because the officers represent the majority group’s law which serves to keep
the minority groups in their place” (2017, p.172). With large segments of society potentially
viewing police as oppressors whose purpose is to repress them and further the agenda of the
upper-class, it is difficult for police agencies to gain and maintain the trust of all citizens. There
must be a mechanism in place that those individuals perceive as holding the police accountable
and limiting their ability to take action against disadvantaged groups within society if there is
any reasonable chance that they will begin to trust the motives and actions of police.
Regardless of whether the use of BWCs by police is an effective tool for building trust
with disadvantaged segments of society, it may be seen as an effective tool in reducing violent
conflict between police and citizens. Elements of Deterrence Theory can be observed throughout
modern western criminal justice systems. Deterrence Theory holds that punishment for criminal
acts may be used not to simply seek retribution or restitution for the criminal act but also to deter
future criminal acts. This deterrence may be in the form of specific deterrence to discourage that

6

specific offender from committing another crime, or the form of general deterrence where the
punishment of an offender discourages others from committing similar acts (. In deterrence
theory, individuals are seen as rational actors, and in order to be effective, the punishment for a
crime must outweigh the benefit the offender perceives in committing the criminal act (Carlsmith
& Darley, 2002). This is the basis for more severe penalties being associated with more serious
crimes. For example, in Canada, murder is punishable by life imprisonment, while lesser crimes
such as shoplifting are typically subject to minor sanctions such as fines or probation. Still,
while the use of harsh punishment such as imprisonment is commonly thought to be a deterrent
to future criminal acts, imprisonment has not been effective in reducing criminal activity (Nagin,
Cullen, & Johnson, 2009).
BWCs touch on several elements of these criminological theories. Regarding Social
Conflict Theory where the police are viewed as oppressors against the powerless, the widespread
use of BWCs by police may be effective in reducing the use of unwarranted physical force
against citizens. Having the interaction of police and citizens recorded would significantly
increase the likelihood that such corrupt behaviour by police would be identified. Perhaps more
importantly, it would increase the certainty that the police officer involved would face
punishment as video evidence would exist in addition to only the accounts of events from the
officer and alleged victim. Likewise, individuals who may be inclined to assault or physically
resist police may be deterred by the presence of a BWC that will record their actions and clearly
show their behaviour thereby increasing the chance they will be convicted. It has been observed
that the certainty of punishment is more consistent in deterring crime than the severity of the
punishment imposed (Nagin & Pogarsky, 2001). Building upon this premise, the widespread use
of BWCs may modify the attitude and behaviour of police and citizens when interacting beyond

7

simply preventing physical altercations. Knowing that they are being video recorded may
encourage individuals to act in a more courteous and less confrontational manner, in order to be
viewed in a more favourable manner when the video is reviewed by others, such as a judge, or
the general public if the video is released to the media. In addition to enhancing how those
individuals would be perceived, it may reduce friction and animosity between police and the
individual during that interaction, thus preventing what may have otherwise been an escalation
that would have resulted in a violent confrontation.
The use of BWCs is a tool that may assist in building this trust, or at least mitigating
some of the mistrust that exists due to a social power imbalance between certain groups in
society. BWCs provide an opportunity to record the actions of police during interactions with
vulnerable individuals in society. Without BWCs, these interactions are often witnessed only by
the police and the individual involved, providing no definitive account of the events. If there is
police misconduct during such interactions, the repressed individual does not possess the power
to hold the police to account as the powerful will protect their own interests, which includes
protecting the police who are used to further their agenda. In the worst case scenario, when the
individual is killed during the interaction, only the account of the police officer may be available
to describe the events and context in which they occurred. BWCs may provide a method of
restricting the ability of police officers to act with impunity, or reduce the perception of
disadvantaged groups that they are acting in such a manner.
Several incidents that have occurred in North America over the last several years have
brought about significant mass media attention of those incidents specifically, as well as the lack
of confidence in police more generally from some segments of the public. The majority of these
incidents have occurred in the United States, but there have been similar incidents which have

8

occurred in Canada as well, such as the death of Robert Dziekanski at the Vancouver
International Airport and the shooting of Sammy Yatim in Toronto (Keller, 2015; Rogan, 2014).
Police use of force incidents in major metropolitan areas in the United States, such as Ferguson,
New York City, and Baltimore that resulted in the deaths of black men received national, and
international, media coverage. They also resulted in the level of trust between the community
and police being strained, prompting calls for the United States Justice Department to investigate
the standard of police conduct in those situations (Stocker et al, 2015). An annual Gallup poll
has shown that between 1993 and 2016 American confidence in police has varied between 52
percent and 59 percent each year, with the exception of 2004 when it was reported at 64 percent
(Newport, 2016). Yet while the United States has experienced poor levels of public confidence
in police, there remains a high level of public confidence in police in Canada. Studies conducted
in several British Columbia municipalities show high levels of satisfaction with police, even after
highly publicized incidents such as the deaths of Robert Dziekanski and Sammy Yatim, as well
as the civil unrest in the United States. In 2014, a study showed that 77 percent of a random
sample of Surrey residents were satisfied with the Surrey Royal Canadian Mounted Police
(RCMP) (Cohen, Davies, & McCormick, 2015). Even higher satisfaction rates were observed in
other municipalities. In 2009, 86 percent of respondents stated they were satisfied with the
Burnaby RCMP and that same year residents of Chilliwack, Agassiz, Hope, and Boston Bar
reported an 88 percent satisfaction rate with the Upper Fraser Valley Regional Detachment
RCMP (Cohen, Plecas & McCormick, 2009a; Cohen, Plecas & McCormick, 2009b). After two
years of media coverage of conflict between the public and police in the United States following
the police shooting in Ferguson, a similar study in 2016 showed an 88 percent satisfaction rate
with police in West Vancouver (Cohen & McCormick, 2016). A 2015 report released by

9

Statistics Canada on public confidence in Canadian institutions also showed a high level of
public confidence for police in Canada at 75 percent, higher than any of the other institutions
listed, including schools, banks, courts, media, parliament, and major corporations (Cotter,
2015).
Police agencies, particularly in the United States, are facing considerable external
pressure to implement BWC programs based upon the assumption that BWCs will improve
transparency and increase trust with the public (Sousa, Coldren, Rodriguez & Braga, 2016). The
opinion that BWCs will improve the transparency of police operations and increase the trust of
the public is shared by a wide range of interested parties. BWCs have only been used in policing
in North America for a short period of time and little is known about the potential long-term
outcomes from their widespread use. Despite this uncertainty, both civil rights activists and
some police leaders have expressed optimism that BWCs have the potential to improve
transparency in policing (Mateescu, Rosenblat & Boyd, 2015). The use of BWCs by police is
supported by the American Civil Liberties Union due to the benefit it would provide in
monitoring the use of force and arrest powers by police (Stanley, 2015). In February 2015, the
Bureau of Justice Assistance convened a BWC expert panel including law enforcement leaders
and various other stakeholders who developed a toolkit, guidance, and model policy for United
States police agencies implementing a BWC program. The inclusion of community, privacy and
victim advocates in the process was intended, in part, to ensure transparency in policing
(President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing, 2015).
Police officers hold a position of considerable power in society. They are empowered to
arrest persons and deprive them of their personal liberties. They are also authorized by law, and
expected by society, to use physical force against other persons in certain situations. Police

10

leaders must ensure the accountability of police officers within their respective organizations.
Being accountable means that corruption and inappropriate behaviours, including misuse of
force, failing to apply the law due to personal interests, and discrimination against particular
persons or groups must not be permitted (Kelling, Wasserman & Williams, 1988). Police
officers can be held to account for inappropriate behaviour through statutory investigations for
criminal wrongdoing, the same as any other citizen. They can also be held accountable for noncriminal actions through code of conduct investigations authorized by the governing legislation
in that jurisdiction. Police leaders have to rely on complaints from the public and limited
evidence documenting police and public interactions, dealing often with only the account of the
two parties involved. One of the primary motivations for the adoption of BWCs in many
countries is that it would provide independent evidence of police and public interaction, making
it easier to hold police accountable for actions beyond their legal authority that they commit
against members of the public (Coudert, Butin, & Métayer, 2015).
Politicians have identified the use of BWCs by police as a way in which they can
publically take action to build trust between police and the community. In 2015, the United
States Department of Justice (USDOJ) announced a BWC pilot program that included over
US$23 million to purchase 50,000 BWCs for use by police agencies. The funding
announcement published by the US DOJ stated that it was a “part of President Obama’s
commitment to building trust and transparency between law enforcement and the communities
they serve” (2015, p. 1). The sentiments of the President continue to be echoed by local
politicians who support BWC as a method of smoothing conflict between their community and
the police. After the Seattle Police Department rolled out a limited deployment of BWC devices
to the bicycle officers of West Precinct in January, 2017 as part of a phased implementation plan

11

to deploy BWC devices to officers across the city, Mayor Ed Murray stated that deploying the
cameras on officers was a move toward increased transparency and accountability (Office of the
Mayor Edward B. Murray, 2017).
Judicial decisions and inquiries have also touched on the issue of the importance of
establishing a strong concept of transparency in policing. This was evident in the Floyd v. City
of New York ruling against the New York Police Department’s stop, question, and frisk program.
In her decision on this matter, Judge Scheindlin wrote:
Video recordings will serve a variety of useful functions. First [Emphasis in
original], they will provide a contemporaneous, objective record of stops and
frisks, allowing for the review of officer conduct by supervisors and the courts.
The recordings may either confirm or refute the belief of some minorities that
they have been stopped simply as a result of their race, or based on the clothes
they wore, such as baggy pants or a hoodie. (2013, p.26)
Similarly, in 2014, the Honourable Frank Iacobucci produced an independent report on the use of
lethal force by Toronto Police Service (TPS) that had been initiated at the request of the TPS
chief of police. In the report, Iacobucci made 84 recommendations to the TPS. Several of those
recommendations made reference to increasing accountability and transparency. To that end,
recommendation #72 was that the TPS should issue BWCs to all officers who may deal with
people in crisis, such as the mentally ill or other marginalized segments of society (Iacobucci,
2014).
Yet the strong support from various segments of society for BWC as a tool to increase
police accountability to reduce improper use of force may not be justified. There has been
limited study in this area, but an analysis conducted of ten studies of BWC programs in multiple
countries provides a fuller picture than the individual studies, some of which were quite limited
in scope (Ariel, Sutherland, Henstrock et al., 2016a). Some of the studies examined showed a
reduction in the use of force by police, while others showed an increase. The analysis found that
12

police use of force rates were seen to increase when officers wearing BWCs were given broad
discretion when the devices were activated. Conversely, when officers were held to a strict
protocol on BWC activation, use of force rates decreased. The study does not identify the cause
of this correlation between discretion in use of the BWC and the frequency of police using force.
However, this may be due to the fact that when officers are recording more of their interactions
with the public, they feel pressure to resolve conflict through methods other than physical force,
even when it may be legally justified, and may be more inclined to avoid escalating situations.
The authors of the analysis suggested that as a result of these findings, if a true increase in police
accountability is to occur, BWC policies should record throughout an officer’s entire shift with
verbal reminders being provided by the officers to citizens that the BWC is present and recording
(Ariel et al., 2016a).
Public Complaints
Politicians and community advocates have sometimes been vocal in their view that the
public does not trust the police and that police behaviour is often inappropriate, resulting in
public complaints. These complaints commonly relate to undesirable behaviours of officers,
including neglect of duty, improper attitude, oppressive conduct, and use of force (Plecas,
Armstrong, Tassone, Cohen & McCormick, 2010). While the inappropriate actions of police
may generate public complaints, they are not always justified and may be frivolous or vexatious
in nature. A study of complaints against the RCMP in British Columbia over a fifteen year
period showed that there was an average of 805 complaints each year. Of those complaints, 47
percent were not substantiated at the end of an investigation (Plecas et al., 2010). The concept of
reducing public complaints, either through improved officer behaviour or discouraging baseless
complaints, is desirable to police agencies who are required to dedicate resources to investigate

13

and resolve those complaints. This issue is significant enough that it has been listed as a
consideration in several BWC pilot projects conducted in Canada over the last decade. For
instance, the Victoria Police Department ran one of the first BWC pilot projects in Canada in
2009. The small pilot listed a reduction in public complaints as an objective (Victoria Police
Department, 2009). Similarly, the 2015 report from the Edmonton Police Service (EPS) on a
BWC pilot project that had been conducted listed the reduction of complaints against police
officers as a goal of the project (EPS, 2015).
The idea that complaints may be reduced is not held exclusively by police executives but
is also held by many front line police officers. A study involving patrol officers in Orlando,
Florida demonstrated an attitude of widespread acceptance of BWC technology. 77 percent of
police officers advised that they felt comfortable wearing BWCs, with 30 percent stating they
believed external complaints from the public would be reduced, and 27 percent stating that they
believed the number of internal complaints from employees within the organization would also
be reduced (Jennings, Fridell & Lynch, 2014). It is apparent that many police officers believe
that BWCs have the potential to reduce complaints against them, either through modifying
officer behaviour or preventing unfounded complaints from the public.
Some studies have supported the hypothesis that police agencies using BWCs may
experience lower rates of public complaints. In a year-long study on the Isle of Wight in the UK,
it was found that a test group of officers who wore BWCs received fifteen percent fewer minor
public complaints and eleven and a half percent fewer significant public complaints compared to
the previous year. This is in contrast to a control group of police officers who during the same
time period experienced a five percent decline in minor complaints and a nearly seven percent
increase in significant public complaints (Ellis, Jenkins, & Smith, 2015). In Rialto, California, a

14

study over the course of a year found that the volume of public complaints against police officers
wearing BWCs was less than thirteen percent of the volume received the previous year. While
police officers had approximately four percent fewer contacts with the public during the
experimental period, the drop in public complaints observed was significant (Ariel, Farrar, &
Sutherland, 2015). This finding is consistent with some other experiences in the United States.
A fifteen month test period in Phoenix, Arizona, found that police officers who were in the test
group using BWCs experienced a 22.5 percent reduction in complaints against them from the
public compared to a 10.6 percent increase against officers in a comparison group (Katz, Choate,
Ready, & Nuño, 2014). A year-long evaluation of BWCs in the neighbouring municipality of
Mesa also showed a significant reduction in public complaints. Officers assigned to wear BWCs
received 40 percent fewer public complaints compared to the previous one year period (Mesa
Police Department, 2013). A similar year-long study in Orlando, Florida also found that officers
wearing BWCs experienced a reduction in complaints from the public of nearly nine percent
(Jennings et al, 2015). These studies that did report the reduction of public complaints against
officers wearing BWCs did not determine if the change was the result of previously undesirable
behaviour by the police improving or unfounded and vexatious complaints from the public being
deterred.
Yet, not all studies have shown that BWCs reduce the number of complaints against
police. A 2011 report issued on the results of two Scottish evaluations of BWCs in Aberdeen
and Renfrewshire found that no evidence had been produced that supported the belief that BWC
use reduced complaints from the public against the police (ODS Consulting, 2011). The EPS
found that during their BWC pilot project there was “no quantitative evidence that [BWCs] had
an impact on the number of complaints made” (EPS, 2015, p.55). In fact, to the contrary, the

15

TPS found during their BWC pilot project that the rate public complaints against officers
wearing BWCs actually increased to double the pre-pilot complaint rate (TPS, 2016). The
conflicting findings involving observations of large percentage changes in public complaints
may be due to the fact that the numbers of public complaints are very low. During the ten month
TPS BWC pilot project, the rate of public complaints appears to have increased substantially
however, the total number of complaints received against the officers during that period was only
five, compared to three received during the same length of time prior to the study (TPS, 2016).
In addition to potentially reducing the number of public complaints against police, the
presence of a video recording device such as a BWC may assist police agencies in resolving
those complaints that are made by dissatisfied members of the public in a timely manner as well
as supporting police officers against false complaints made by members of the public. In this
regard, in 2004, the IACP conducted a study for the USDOJ on the effect of video evidence on
policing. The study was conducted through surveys completed by various stakeholder groups.
The study found that 93 percent of public complaints were not sustained against police officers
when video evidence of the interaction was available. The study also concluded that a
significant amount of time was saved in investigating public complaints against police officers
when video evidence was available (IACP, 2004). Similarly, a Scottish evaluation on BWC in
Aberdeen and Renfrewshire found that all seven public complaints received during the
evaluation period were determined to be unfounded due to the assistance of video evidence
(ODS Consulting, 2011). The evaluation also stated that “the amount of police time that is
required to deal with any complaints received is often less when [BWC] is worn” (p.14). The
results of the TPS BWC pilot project confirmed the speedier resolution of public complaints as

16

well with the average number of days for those investigations decreasing by eighteen percent
compared to the pre-pilot period (TPS, 2016).
While some early research has shown that BWCs may reduce public complaints against
police, that does not necessarily mean that their adoption will reduce the number of violent
interactions between police and the public (Ariel et al., 2016b). The analysis of data from ten
BWC studies from multiple countries, involving over two million officer-hours, provides a more
comprehensive understanding of the effects of BWC use in policing than the smaller individual
studies. The analysis found that the results of BWC use in different jurisdictions produced
widely varying results with regard to violent interactions between the police and the public.
While the results varied significantly between the individual studies, the analysis provided two
conclusions regarding violent interactions between the police and the public. The first is that
BWC use does not have an overall discernible effect on the rate of police use of force. The
second is that officers wearing BWCs report more incidents of being assaulted during their shift
(Ariel et al., 2016b). The cause of this increase is not known. It may be attributable to a number
of factors, such as officers being less assertive due to the monitoring effect of the BWC making
them more vulnerable to assault or the presence of the BWC and available video evidence
prompting higher reporting rates among those officers who are assaulted (Ariel et al., 2016b).
Value of BWC Evidence
BWCs have received considerable attention in recent years as a tool to monitor police and
public behaviour and provide an ability to review interactions to increase accountability and
build trust. BWCs also presents an opportunity for police to effectively collect high quality
evidence of crimes and other incidents. With the proliferation of smartphones in society, it is
commonplace for incidents of interest, including those involving the police in conflict with an

17

individual, to be video recorded. Recordings of significant incidents are often widely distributed
over social media or provided to traditional media outlets where they are in turn broadcast to a
wide audience. These citizen recorded videos often begin after the incident has been initiated
and may serve to undermine the accounts of the police officers involved as it may not properly
represent the incident as perceived by them (Coudert et al., 2015). BWCs have the potential to
provide an account of incidents more closely aligned to the perceptions of the police officers
involved. The video recorded is much nearer from the perspective of the police officer,
providing a more accurate representation of what they may have perceived during the incident as
well as their actions and involvement. BWC recordings could therefore allow judges, juries, and
others to better understand the perceptions and judgements of a police officer during an incident,
be it a use of force confrontation or simply the gathering of evidence during an investigation.
Many BWC devices make use of buffering technology. This technology involves constant
recording which is only retained for a short period of time unless the user manually activates the
recording function. This auto-buffering ensures that the period prior to activation is included in
the recorded video as well (Coudert et al., 2015). This capability provides a more fulsome
account of an incident when compared to video taken by the public, which rarely captures the
initial interactions of an incident.
In addition to use of force incidents, BWC video may provide benefits during other
investigations. There has been some study on the effect of BWC video in the investigation and
prosecution of domestic violence incidents. One study conducted in Essex in the United
Kingdom showed that the use of BWCs may have the potential to increase the proportion of
domestic violence investigations that result in charges, although they did not examine the final
outcomes of those cases in court. It also found that investigating officers felt the BWC video

18

was more effective in conveying the context of the situation than a witness statement alone
(Owens, Mann, & Mckenna, 2014). However, the authors caution against the generalization of
the results as it was limited in scope and BWCs were not utilized at all domestic violence calls
during the observation period. Another study in Phoenix also found that officers using BWCs
were more likely to make an arrest at a domestic violence incident. It also found that there was
an increase in charges and guilty pleas in those cases (Morrow, Katz & Choate, 2016). Both of
these studies show there are potentially limited benefits in evidence gathering in relation to
domestic violence investigations. Still, these results may not be applicable to Canada as cultural
attitudes and police procedures in relation to domestic violence may vary significantly between
international jurisdictions. Further, the findings from the TPS BWC pilot project evaluation also
found that BWC video may provide some benefit in providing evidence, but less so than the
initial expectations held by officers before using the devices. Crown prosecutors were of the
opinion that BWC video evidence may potentially assist in early resolution of some cases;
however, three factors were noted during the study period that limited the value of BWC video.
These included the fact that BWC video largely recorded the reporting of the incident, not the
actual incident itself, Crown staff spent hours reviewing BWC video that provided little, if any
benefit, and the disclosure of BWC video tended to occur after the first appearance of the
accused, which is when Crown felt it would have been most useful (TPS, 2016).
Results from several studies in the UK indicate that BWC video evidence has the
potential to reduce the amount of time police officers spend on paperwork and increase the
likelihood that cases will be resolved by a guilty plea instead of going to trial (White, 2014).
One of those studies was the BWC evaluation in Aberdeen and Renfrewshire that found that
guilty pleas increased by 71 to 80 percent when BWC recordings were used as evidence in the

19

case (ODS Consulting, 2011). In Canada, the introduction of video evidence has also been seen
to increase the number of guilty pleas. The Chief Crown Prosecutor in Edmonton estimated that
guilty pleas increased by 30 percent when video evidence was involved (EPS, 2015). The
benefit of decreased volume of trials could potentially be significant in Canada, as overloaded
court systems find themselves routinely dealing with backlogs of court cases (Humphreys, 2013;
Parsons, 2017). Efficiency in dealing with court cases in an expedited manner is of particular
importance in the Canadian court system since the Supreme Court of Canada decision in R. v.
Jordan in July of 2016 directed that Provincial and Superior Court cases should typically be
resolved in 18 and 30 months, respectively.
Officer Performance and Training
One of the potential benefits of BWC which has not received a significant amount of
study is increased efficiency in the areas of officer performance and training. During a BWC
study in Rialto, California, it was noted that several officers routinely downloaded and reviewed
the video recordings from their BWC to review the interactions they had been involved in with
the public (Ariel et al., 2014). It is a common practice for professional athletes to review video
recordings of their performances in order to train and improve their future performance.
Similarly, the potential benefits of utilizing BWC video recordings for training of both individual
and groups of police officers could be significant. Training could be designed for officers to
learn from their own previous interactions and the real life experiences of fellow officers in order
to improve their interaction with suspects, victims and witnesses to become more professional
and effective in their duties (Ariel et al., 2014). The potential benefit from the concept of using
BWC video as a training aid to improve professionalism and facilitate continuous improvement
is suggested in the body-worn video guidance document of the College of Policing in the United

20

Kingdom. The guidance document states that police agencies can use BWC video to review
incidents and improve how officers deal with similar situations (College of Policing, 2014).
Advocates concerned with ensuring police officers are compliant with the law and respectful of
citizen rights have discussed the potential benefits of BWC video being utilized for the purpose
of training officers for improved performance in those areas (Harris, 2010). The UK Home
Office Guidance for the Police Use of Body-Worn Video Devices issued in 2007 takes into
account the review of the first UK BWC study conducted in Plymouth the previous year. The
document made several conclusions regarding the use of BWC in policing, including favouring
their use for training purposes, stating that “[t]he ability to review their performance in detail
after an incident is a powerful tool for officers to highlight effective and ineffective actions”
(Home Office, 2007, p. 8). Likewise, the USDOJ released a report on recommendations and
lessons learned for implementing a BWC program for police agencies. In that report it was
noted that many police agencies were already using BWC video as a training tool and it had been
found to be useful in improving officer performance (Miller & Tolliver, 2014).
Privacy Concerns
Despite the noted potential benefits of BWCs on improving trust with the public,
reducing the number of complaints and the associated costs of investigating those complaints,
contributing towards enhancing police investigations, and being utilized in future training
exercises, there are still some significant challenges to the use of BWCs. The subject of
government electronic surveillance has caused concern in modern western society. In Canada,
the Charter of Rights and Freedoms protects citizens against indiscriminate video surveillance
without cause. Similar privacy concerns have been raised with regard to police use of other
technological advancements, such as automated license plate recognition technology (Cohen,

21

Plecas, & McCormick, 2007; McCormick, Cohen, & Davies, 2017). In order to justify the
widespread use of BWCs by police, there must be a demonstrable benefit for society that
outweighs the intrusion into personal privacy of a large number of law abiding citizens. The
routine use of BWCs by police results in the collection of a substantial amount of video
recordings, and in a sense, creates a broad video surveillance project conducted by police. Not
only are individuals involved in police incidents recorded by police, but other members of the
public will also unwittingly be recorded while they go about conducting unrelated business in
public, and sometimes private, areas. The privacy interest of citizens must be protected and
balanced against the increased police accountability and evidentiary benefits that would be
provided by the widespread use of BWCs (Stanley, 2015). Civil rights advocacy groups such as
the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) have examined the issue of citizens’ privacy rights
in relation to the use of BWCs by police. The ACLU published a paper on the issue of police
used of BWCs that publically declared its support for the use of BWCs by police but also
identified two key areas it found to be of concern in protecting the privacy rights of the public if
BWCs are used by police. The first was that the use of BWCs should be conducted primarily by
uniformed police officers with the device being easily visible and officers advising persons they
are being recorded when practicable. The second was that the BWC recordings should be
retained only as long as necessary, with recordings that provide evidence of crimes or police
misconduct being flagged for longer retention and those recordings that have no apparent
evidentiary value being purged after a set period of time that should only be a few weeks in
length (Stanley, 2015).
The concerns of advocacy groups regarding the potential privacy issues have been
reflected in several documents from leading agencies providing direction on the implementation

22

and use of BWC by police. In the United States, the National Institute of Justice (NIJ) published
A Primer on Body-worn Cameras for Law Enforcement. In that guidance document, it was noted
that agencies must be sensitive to the privacy legislation within the local jurisdiction when
considering how and when the devices should be utilized. It also states that there is a need to
establish the circumstances in which the use of the BWC would be voluntary, compulsory, and
prohibited when deployed by police (ManTech Advanced Systems International, 2012). The
USDOJ also addressed similar considerations in providing direction to police agencies with
regard to the use of BWCs. The USDOJ specifically notes that BWCs are a much more dynamic
and intrusive recording platform than traditional static surveillance cameras. This is due to the
fact that BWCs record up close audio and video, provide police with the ability to record inside
private dwellings, and film sensitive situations that develop during calls for service. This is in
contrast to widespread traditional surveillance cameras which are far more limited and typically
restricted to public areas (Miller & Tolliver, 2014; Cohen et al., 2007; McCormick et al., 2017).
BWCs capture the potentially traumatic experiences of victims of crime, persons involved in
medical distress and accidents, and persons who are arrested. Consideration should be given that
this intrusion into their privacy may exacerbate the emotional trauma experienced by those
persons (White, 2014).
Many police agency policies on BWC usage contain direct reference to the privacy
concerns noted in both publications from advocacy groups such as the ACLU and guidance
documents from government agencies. These policies contain not only reference to these
concerns but often provide direction to police officers on informing the public that they are being
recorded, to ask for permission to record within a private residence, and other situations when
they should and should not use the BWC to record (Seattle Police Department, 2014; Phoenix

23

Police Department, 2013; Chicago Police Department, 2015). In Canada, the Office of the
Privacy Commissioner of Canada has examined this subject with assistance from, or in
consultation with, the privacy oversight offices of every province and territory. This
examination resulted in the publication of a report providing guidance for the use of body-worn
video for law enforcement. The core issue focused on in the report was the balance of privacy
versus the needs of law enforcement to gather evidence, increase officer accountability, and
protect officers against unfounded complaints of misconduct (Office of the Privacy
Commissioner of Canada, 2015). The Privacy Commissioner of Canada has laid out a four-part
test to assist police in determining if body-worn video should be implemented. This four-part
test addresses the issues of necessity, effectiveness, proportionality and alternatives. The issue of
necessity requires that there must be an operational necessity that policy agencies face that
BWCs are a solution for, and they are not just being deployed because they are a popular tool in
law enforcement. The issue of effectiveness requires police agencies to evaluate if BWCs are
likely to be effective in providing a solution to the operational necessity identified. The issue of
proportionality addresses the inevitable loss of privacy that will result from individuals being
video recorded by police. The extent of that intrusion into personal privacy must be minimized
by the manner in which the devices are used and must be justified in comparison to “significant
and articulable benefits” (Office of the Privacy Commissioner of Canada, 2015, P. 4). The issue
of alternatives requires that police agencies consider other measures that would be less privacy
invasive and may achieve the same objectives.
In addition to concerns about infringing upon privacy rights of members of the public,
another area of concern discussed with regard to BWC use by police and privacy rights is the
potential uses of the video recordings from BWCs. The possibility that BWC may be integrated

24

with other technologies causes concerns for preserving individual privacy. Integrating
technologies such as GPS tracking enriches the recording and potentially reduces the privacy of a
member of the public as it records additional personal data regarding them and their activities
(Coudert et al., 2015). More concerning is the use of powerful biometric technologies. Facial
recognition is becoming more commonplace and is a cause of concern with the possibility of
directly integrating it with BWC recordings. This would potentially allow police to
automatically and nearly instantly identify individuals from photos in existing databases, such as
police booking photos that may be held in a repository shared between multiple agencies. This
could be done for a variety of purposes, such as locating known offenders wanted on outstanding
arrest warrants, regardless if the individual were the subject of a specific investigation or simply
a member of the public inadvertently recorded by the BWC (White, 2014; Miller & Tolliver,
2014; Coudert et al., 2015). In 2014, The Calgary Police Service had already taken steps to
integrate their BWC system with facial recognition technology, which potentially expands the
utility of the BWC tool beyond monitoring police and public conduct (Bud, 2016).
In addition to concerns of the privacy rights of members of the public, there is concern
about the privacy rights of police officers. Police officers who are mandated to wear BWCs by
their agency are subject to a higher level of scrutiny than they would be without the BWC. Their
conduct and conversation throughout their shift, including during personal time such as during
meal breaks or on a personal phone calls are potentially subject to public recording from their
own BWC or that of a co-worker. This potential intrusion into the privacy of police officers has
been recognized by police organizations. The IACP has recognized that there is a reasonable
expectation of personal privacy for police officers in circumstances such as inside locker rooms
or when they are on breaks. The IACP has recommended that use of BWCs be restricted to

25

operational settings only, and that they should not be used during administrative situations such
as guidance sessions or personnel evaluations (IACP, 2014). The concerns over the privacy
impacts on officers has been echoed by police unions. This was the case when the topic of
implementing BWCs was discussed at several large United States police departments, including
Las Vegas and Phoenix, where it was characterized as a change in working conditions or scope
of work that subsequently must be negotiated with the unions (White, 2014).
Technological Limitations
The implementation of new technology has always brought with it a variety of obstacles
that must be overcome. The implementation of BWCs brings with it several issues that prevent
this technology from being a perfect tool. One of the primary issues with video recordings of
police interactions taken by the public with their mobile devices is that the recording typically
begins either during the interaction or after the primary interaction is over. In order to ensure
that BWCs adequately capture an interaction in its totality, which will assist reviewers in
understanding the context, the devices must auto-buffer recording prior to the start button being
pressed by the officer. This will capture the beginning of unexpected events that the officer
could not anticipate (Coudert et al., 2015). It is unclear however, how long of a period should be
held in an auto-buffer in order to ensure an effective and reasonable view of unanticipated
situations. As a result, it is unknown if current technology can meet the demands to achieve that
standard.
As BWCs are electronic devices, they are susceptible to equipment malfunction and
error. In the review of the Aberdeen and Renfrewshire BWC project, it was found that there
were repeated problems with device errors. During the study period there were multiple
occasions where there was a loss of the date and time on the recordings. The BWC would also

26

incorrectly reset the identification setting of the officer using it (Ellis et al., 2015). Similar issues
have been encountered during BWC trials with Canadian police agencies. In one such trial
conducted by the TPS, it was found that the corruption of video was a major challenge with both
makes of BWCs that were tested. Both manufacturers provided recovery tools that were not
entirely effective in successfully recovering the lost audio and video (TPS, 2016). Another trial
conducted by the EPS experienced issues of times and dates resetting to factory default, similar
to those experienced in the Scottish project (EPS, 2015).
Further, the capabilities of the current technology available in BWC products are limited.
BWCs are small devices intended to be worn on a police officer’s head, chest or shoulder. The
size and design of these devices limits their effectiveness. In 2015, Defense Research and
Development Canada (DRDC) published an evaluation of BWC technology it had prepared for
the RCMP. This evaluation found significant limitations to the field of view of four
commercially available BWC devices. The manufacturers of the four BWC products tested
claimed fields of view ranging from 75 degrees to 170 degrees. During testing, DRDC found
that the actual maximum measured field of view in the devices varied from a low of 63 degrees
to a high of 113 degrees. Limitations in the field of vision of BWC recording has also been
noted as a shortcoming of the technology in studies conducted by other police agencies (DRDC,
2015; EPS, 2015). The field of vision of a human being is approximately 200 degrees
horizontally and 135 degrees vertically (Schneck & Dagnelie, 2011). This is substantially
greater than the commercially available BWC devices, limiting their ability to provide an
account of events truly representative of the perspective of the officer wearing the device.
The evaluation conducted by DRDC on the four BWC devices found that there was
noticeable curvature distortion during testing, where the recorded image applied a “fisheye”

27

effect to the recorded image, distorting the actual proportions of the objects recorded. This
became more pronounced at short distances and when using a larger field of view. Three of the
four devices were capable of operating at variable recording resolutions, from 480 to 1080 pixels
and recording speeds of 30 or 60 frames per second, depending on the resolution selected. Each
of the devices configured differently provided varying results when tested while recording a
subject at distances of seven and twenty feet. Several of the recordings were distorted or blurred
sufficiently to prevent or question the possible identity of the subject recorded. Not surprisingly,
the quality of the image generally showed improvement when the recording resolution was
increased on each of the three devices that provided variable settings. Increasing the resolution
of the video recording has a converse relationship with the recording capacity of the device as
more storage space is required for those higher resolution recordings (DRDC, 2015).
Another factor that limits the ability of BWCs to provide a truly reflective account of
events from the perspective of the officer involved is the issue of mounting location. In
evaluating seventeen different mounting possibilities for BWCs on officers, it was found that
there was no definitive suitable and secure mounting technique and position (DRDC, 2015).
That evaluation and others have found that there were many challenges related to the mounting
of BWCs on officers, including interference with other equipment and tools (DRDC, 2015; EPS,
2015). It was also found that a variety of potential body positions may interfere with BWC
recording or the camera may likewise interfere with the police officer’s mobility. The EPS BWC
pilot program evaluation also highlighted two additional issues with the mounting of BWCs on
officers. The first was that the cold winter climate in Edmonton requires officers to wear layered
uniforms and a variety of hats. As a result, any BWC deployed by the police service must easily
attach and detach from a variety of uniform items as well as fit with each type of hat. The

28

second was that during the pilot project it was found that in use of force situations the video
recorded did not fully capture the interactions. This was due to the BWC becoming partially or
fully dislodged during the majority of physical encounters (EPS, 2015). The evaluation of the
TPS BWC pilot program also expressed concerns over the challenges experienced by officers in
mounting BWCs to optimize video and audio recording during interactions with the public. The
evaluation stated that further review of the mounting options was required if BWC was to be
adopted by the agency (TPS, 2016). A common mounting location for many BWC devices is the
officer’s chest. As the device can create a gap between layers of a body armour system such as
the binary soft and hard system utilized by the RCMP, it may reduce the effectiveness of that
system (DRDC, 2015). This mounting method is also prone to capturing video that is not
representative to the officer’s point of view. This is often caused by the BWC facing forward
and not in the direction that officer’s head is turned. It is also commonly caused by the officer’s
hands or arms blocking the video when they are manipulating other equipment such as their
radio or firearm (Katz & Kleger-Heine, 2015).
The mounting methodology can cause additional problems beyond the issue of failing to
accurately record the officer’s perspective. The physical design of some BWC devices has been
found to cause additional problems. The EPS found that the wire that connected the BWC to the
associated battery pack often got caught in other equipment, including the seatbelt of the patrol
car (EPS, 2015). The Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department (LASD) experienced similar issues with
BWCs, also finding that the BWC got caught in the officer’s seatbelt on a frequent basis (Katz &
Kleger-Heine, 2015).
Uniformed police officers work shifts of varying lengths depending upon their police
agency and duties. Some police agencies that have conducted BWC pilot projects utilized shifts

29

as long as twelve hours in length, such as the EPS and the RCMP (EPS, 2015; DRDC, 2015).
Other agencies had officers working assigned shifts as short as eight hours, such as the LASD.
Surprisingly, the LASD, working eight hour shifts, had higher requirements for BWC battery life
that those working ten or twelve hour shifts. This was due to officers frequently working double
shifts, resulting in them working sixteen hours, instead of the normally assigned eight hours
(Katz & Kleger-Heine, 2015). The issue of battery life for BWC units was identified as a
considerable challenge by many police agencies who have piloted BWC devices.
The TPS found that battery life was the most critical challenge during their pilot project.
The two devices tested fell well short of the ten hour battery life required for most officers’
shifts. While it was possible for officers to attend their office and return their BWC for a
charged unit, it was time consuming and inconvenient to accomplish this. Further complicating
this was the need for a supervisor to attend and assign the camera to their badge number. Several
methods were attempted to allow officers to recharge the battery in the field but all were deemed
ineffective or impractical (TPS, 2016). During their pilot project, the EPS found that both
models of BWC devices they tested had limited battery life insufficient for their extended shifts.
This prompted officers to modify their use of the BWC, limiting the volume of interactions they
recorded during their shifts. In extremely cold weather, the battery life of one of the BWC units
was reduced to approximately 30 minutes. The NIJ published an informational overview of
eighteen BWC devices that were available for purchase in the United States. Fourteen of those
devices had internal batteries which could not be changed and the device itself had to be taken
out of service to be recharged. The charging times of those units with internal batteries ranged
from two and a half to six hours to recharge. The recording times of the units varied
considerably from one and a half to twelve hours on a single charge. Of the eighteen devices

30

listed, only four of them had recording times higher than six hours, with two of them reporting
eight hour recording times and the other two reporting twelve hours (ManTech Advanced
Systems International, 2014). If the recording time of a single charge were sufficient for an
entire shift, police agencies will still need a considerably higher number of BWC devices than
officers on a single shift. At shift change, officers cannot simply hand over their BWC devices
to another officer when they are finished with them. The considerable recharging time of all
devices constrains the supply of devices and necessitates that many more devices must be in
service for officers coming on shift while returned devices are recharged. The need for a
significant number of additional devices to cover the logistics of shift change will increase
equipment costs for a BWC program accordingly.
Implementing a full-scale BWC program for uniformed officers in a police agency brings
with it a number of financial costs. Some of those costs are obvious, such as the initial purchase
of BWC devices. There are however, a number of other associated costs and ongoing expenses
related to maintaining a BWC program that can have a significant financial impact on a police
agency and potentially negative effects on operational capacity. These costs include things such
as hardware repair and replacement; data storage; officer administration time; and information
requests from the public (Fitzgerald & Bagg, 2016; TPS, 2016; Katz & Kleger-Heine, 2015).
BWC devices, like any electronic device, have a useful lifespan after which they must be
replaced. Several factors influence the timeline for replacement of devices including device
reliability and improvements in technology. The USDOJ provided US$23 million to law
enforcement agencies to facilitate the purchase 50,000 BWCs (USDOJ, 2015). While this grant
may have been pivotal in many police agencies implementing BWC programs, there is no
provision for future funding. The public announcement from the USDOJ does not comment on

31

the issue of ongoing maintenance and upgrades to the BWC equipment purchased for the initial
BWC program rollout using this grant. Police agencies are now left to carry the financial burden
and fund the ongoing costs of replacing the BWC equipment as required out of their own
budgets.
The informational overview of eighteen BWC devices published by the NIJ listed the
manufacturer’s suggested retail price for the BWC devices to range significantly from a low of
US$150 to a high of US$1,000 (ManTech Advanced Systems International, 2014). That same
publication also showed that basic manufacturer warranties ranged from a low of 90 days to a
high of three years. Sixteen of the eighteen devices had a basic warranty of one year. Given the
length of warranty on the devices, after a year, most police agencies could expect to begin having
to replace units that failed. Additionally, day to day wear and tear will inevitably result in
damage to at least a small number of units. As BWC devices have not been used in high volume
on a long term basis it is unknown how durable they will prove to be. The specifications for the
wide variety of devices available shows that some have no certified environment or durability
testing while the remaining devices use a variety of different standards to demonstrate durability
(ManTech Advanced Systems International, 2014). Replacing BWC devices due to the useful
lifespan of the device at a cost of up to US$1,000 per device can be a significant ongoing
financial burden on police agencies. Additionally, advances in technology, such as improved
field of view, higher resolution, faster frame rates, longer battery life, and improved physical
design and functionality will all be factors that will inevitably pressure police agencies upgrade
their BWC equipment on an ongoing basis.

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The Financial Costs of a BWC Program
Many police agencies have examined the prospect of implementing BWC programs and
have estimated the costs involved. The Durham Regional Police Service (DRPS) estimated that
the hardware life-cycle for BWC equipment would be five years. The equipment costs
associated with initial implementation and replacement every five years was estimated at $5.2
million based on the assumption that additional devices or storage capacity would be required
(Fitzgerald & Bagg, 2016). It is likely that improvements in BWC recording quality and growth
in the agency would require increases beyond this estimate of static replacement requirements.
The 2016 DRPS budget was $187.5 million (Regional Municipality of Durham, 2016). The
BWC equipment costs are approximately 2.8 percent of the annual budget, meaning that over 0.6
percent of the annual budget each year would be dedicated to BWC equipment costs if they were
amortized over the five year period. In evaluating the results of their BWC pilot project, the TPS
provided estimated equipment costs for the implementation and maintenance of an agency-wide
BWC program over a five year period at $50.2 million. The 2017 TPS budget is $1,127.8
million (City of Toronto, n.d.). The BWC equipment costs are approximately 4.5 percent of the
annual budget in the first year and amortized over the five year period would be 0.9 percent of
the budget each year. The Hamilton Police Service (HPS) also estimated a five year life cycle
for BWC equipment in calculating estimates for a 190 device BWC program in 2014. The costs
of implementing the program, including equipment and other costs related to the BWC program
were estimated at $3 million per year (EPS, 2015). That equates to approximately 2.1 percent of
the $144.6 million HPS 2104 operating budget (HPS, n.d.).
Beyond the costs of simply acquiring and maintaining BWC equipment, there are
substantial expenses for police agencies in the areas of training, downloading and logging video

33

segments, and processing of disclosure requests to comply with freedom of information
legislation. In addition to the costs of equipment noted above, the DRPS estimated that the other
associated costs could increase the overall cost of the first year of implementation of a BWC
program to approximately $24 million, which would equate to 12.4 percent of the 2017 operating
budget. Additionally, recurring annual costs in subsequent years for salary and lost patrol time
was estimated at $17.8 million (Fitzgerald & Bagg, 2016).
One of the largest cost drivers in police agency budgets is the salary costs of employees.
For example, the 2014 budget of the HPS was $144.6 million. The bulk of expenditures were
related to salaries and benefits of employees, accounting for nearly $135.5 million, which was
approximately 93.7 percent of the total budget (HPS, n.d.). Similarly, the 2017 budget of the
TPS was $1.13 billion with $1.01 million designated for employee salaries and benefits,
comprising approximately 89 percent of the total budget (City of Toronto, n.d.). The
introduction of a full-scale BWC program in a police agency can have a significant impact on the
productivity of front line officers resulting in a reduced level of service or additional costs
incurred to maintain the same level of front line policing service. This issue has been
highlighted in various countries where BWCs have been tested or introduced into regular
operations. In the United Kingdom, during the review of the BWC pilot project on the Isle of
Wight, there was feedback from many investigative officers who questioned the value of BWC
video as it had little benefit in the majority of cases but created a high volume of evidence that
required viewing and editing (Ellis et al., 2015). Officers are required to catalogue the video
segments from their BWC as they are aware of what incident each video segment relates to.
They may also be required to classify recordings as evidentiary in nature or not. A civilian clerk
would be required to review the video recordings in their entirety and may still not be able to

34

accurately classify some recordings. In the United States, the review of the LASD BWC pilot
project found that the workload of front line officers was significantly affected. The process of
downloading video from their BWC routinely took officers up to an hour per shift. With officers
working eight hour shifts, that would either occupy approximately 12.5 percent of each shift if
they returned to the station early to complete that task, or they would be paid an hour of overtime
to complete the downloading (Katz & Kleger-Heine, 2015). In Canada, the experience has been
similar. The BWC pilot project evaluation completed by TPS stated that participating officers
spent differing amounts of time reviewing, classifying, and downloading BWC video at the end
of their shifts. The length of time required was largely dependent upon the duties the officer was
assigned to and the number of contacts the officer had with the public during the shift. It was
determined that an average of 39 minutes per shift was required by each officer to complete this
task. The report extrapolated this figure to estimate that officers would spend roughly one
hundred to one hundred and fifty six hours per year on this task (TPS, 2016). The report stated
that “[a]ll constables who were interviewed at the end of the pilot, said that the body-worn
cameras had definitely added to their administrative workload” (p. 44). The report further stated
that given current factors, such as training, sick leave, and annual leave, front line patrol
constables are available for approximately 79 percent of their total scheduled hours. It was
estimated that the implementation of BWCs could reduce the level of availability for front line
constables by five percent to approximately 74 percent of their total scheduled hours due to the
increased mandatory tasks related to processing of the BWC video (TPS, 2016).
In addition to the added daily workload, training on the BWC must be provided to the
officers to ensure that they are competent at operating the devices, downloading the video, and
following the policy of use prescribed by the agency. The training program content and duration

35

will differ for each agency but one example of training time is the training program that was
developed by the TPS for the purpose of their BWC pilot project. This training was four days in
length, accounting for approximately one 40 hour work week (TPS, 2016). It is logical that other
Canadian police agencies would implement training programs similar in scope due to similar
legal requirements, training standards, and policy considerations. The subject of training was
noted in the EPS report on their BWC pilot project. It was stated that it was essential to deliver
training in the areas of physical operation of the BWCs, procedural knowledge and confidence,
and buy-in to the concept of BWC usage (EPS, 2015).
Front line sworn officers are not the only employees of a police agency whose workload
is affected by the introduction of BWC. The tasks of retrieving and redacting BWC video
recordings for disclosure regarding an incident where charges are forwarded may be conducted
by either the officers themselves or support staff. The TPS BWC pilot project evaluation report
noted that the workload experienced in completing these tasks was an average of 68 minutes to
process each request. Based upon the additional anticipated workload from a full BWC program,
it was estimated that TPS would need to hire an additional seven video analysts to deal with the
initial increase in workload (TPS, 2016). It was also noted that in-car camera video requests had
increased sevenfold since that technology was introduced and if BWC video requests increased
from this initial level, further increases in support staff and a larger facility may be required
(TPS, 2016). In addition to retrieving and redacting BWC video for court purposes, freedom of
information laws in jurisdictions across Canada allow the public to request information held by
government agencies. There can be a considerable workload created by the need to vet the
information that is released through these requests. As an example, in Ontario the Municipal
Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act (MFIPPA) requires such information

36

requests to be completed within 30 days. During the TPS pilot project, several requests for video
were made under the MFIPPA. The processing of one five minute video required over four
hours to vet appropriately for release (TPS, 2016). The substantial time required to vet BWC
video for privacy requests was also observed during the BWC pilot project in Mesa. While the
required amount of time to complete each request varied considerably, it was found that three of
the more complicated requests required approximately 10 hours each to complete (Mesa Police
Department, 2013). The pressure that these freedom of information requests will add to the
workload of police agency records departments could subsequently have significant financial
implications that could make implementation of BWCs cost prohibitive for many agencies.
Conclusion
The idea of equipping uniformed police officers with BWCs has been explored in
policing for over a decade. The social turmoil that has occurred in response to police use of
force against minorities in the United States since 2014 increased the calls for BWCs as a
method of holding police accountable through increased transparency by recording their
interactions with members of the public. The same lack of trust of the police is not widespread
in Canada where less than 0.1 percent of police and public interactions involve any use of force
at all, with even fewer of those incidents involving any significant level of force. Canadians
continue to have high levels of confidence in their police agencies, even after highly publicized
events in the United States and in Canada.
BWCs have been proposed as a tool to limit violent interactions between police and
citizens. As BWCs have only been used in policing on a wide-scale basis for a limited amount
of time, there has been limited research as to their effectiveness in reducing the use of force by
police but preliminary research has shown that in some circumstances BWCs may actually

37

increase the frequency of police using force against citizens. The same research has also shown
that the use of BWCs may increase the frequency of assaults upon police. There has also been
conflicting research as to whether the use of BWCs reduces the number of public complaints
against police through modifying the behaviour of police or dissuading unfounded complaints.
In Canada in particular, there has been very limited evidence that BWCs reduce complaints.
The effectiveness of BWCs as evidence gathering tools has also been discussed. BWCs
may provide a recording of an event more aligned with the perspective of the officer involved
than third party video recordings, which may assist in assessing their actions during an
interaction. There has also been limited evidence that the use of BWCs may increase charges in
domestic violence investigations. Given the strong focus on prosecuting domestic violence that
already exists in Canada, there may not be any benefit observed in this area. The existence of
video recordings has been found to increase the number of guilty pleas that reduces the workload
of overburdened courts, however the additional workload required to provide that evidence in a
timely manner may outweigh that benefit.
Having video from police interactions with the public will provide an additional tool to
train officers in handling different situations. While this may prove useful, effective training in
this area can continue to be developed and delivered without the aid of BWC video from those
interactions.
Privacy rights are held in high regard in Canada. The widespread use of BWCs causes a
loss of privacy for suspects, victims, witnesses, and bystanders alike. The police will record
massive amounts of video, not only in public areas but within private residences and when some
individuals will be in a vulnerable state. Having BWCs on police officers throughout their entire
shifts also intrudes upon their personal privacy with the constant concern that they may be

38

recorded by their own device or that of a co-worker while they are not engaged in interactions
with the public that may require recording by policy. The potential use of other technologies in
conjunction with BWC video, such as facial recognition analysis, brings about additional serious
privacy concerns with the widespread use of BWCs.
By their very nature, BWCs have difficulty recording from the exact perspective of an
officer involved in an interaction. The BWC may not be facing in the same direction as the
officer or may be blocked by the officer while they are performing dynamic activities. The
limitations of the current technology prevent an accurate representation of an officer’s full field
of view or the same level of clarity and detail as experienced by the officer. Additionally, the
current devices are limited by other factors such as reliability, recording capacity, and battery
life.
The costs of a large scale BWC program will bring with it substantial financial costs for a
police agency. The equipment required is not limited to BWC devices, but also includes data
storage servers. The equipment is expensive and is subject to an estimated five year lifespan
before replacement. The cost of lost productivity by officers downloading and processing video
each shift will have a noticeable effect on the capacity of the police agency to provide policing
services. With salary related costs comprising large portions of Canadian police agency budgets,
police executives should be seeking ways to limit the pressure on current resources, not increase
them. Police agencies will also experience substantial costs related to redacting BWC video for
court when the majority of recordings will have limited evidentiary value. Further additional
costs will be incurred as freedom of information requests will require considerable vetting of
BWC video prior to release.

39

Consideration of all of these factors shows that the adoption of a large-scale BWC
program by police agencies would be a costly undertaking, using significant funds that will
either result in a reduction of current programs, or preclude the implementation of additional
initiatives. Such a program will have little benefit in the Canadian context where public
confidence in police remains high and personal privacy is highly valued. There may be some
benefit in restricted use of BWCs in some specific situations where heightened risk of physical
confrontation between citizens and police exists, such as public protests. However, the
significant costs involved in implementing and operating a large-scale BWC program in
Canadian police agencies far outweighs the limited potential benefits.

40

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