An Exploration of Safe and Acceptable Housing for Racialized Women Who Have Experienced
Intimate Partner Violence Within the Housing Crisis in Vancouver
by
Michelle Wing
Bachelor of Social Work, University of Victoria, 2013

MAJOR PAPER SUBMITTED
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK
In the School of Social Work and Human Services

UNIVERSITY OF THE FRASER VALLEY
Fall 2018

ii

Approval

Name:

Michelle Wing

Degree:

Master of Social Work

Title:

An Exploration of Safe and Acceptable Housing for Racialized Women Who
Have Experienced Intimate Partner Violence Within the Housing Crisis in
Vancouver

Examining Committee:
Stasha Huntingford, BSW, MSW, PhD
School of Social Work and Human Services
MSW Chair
Glen Paddock, BSW, MSW, PhD, LMFT
Senior Supervisor
Faculty, School of Social Work and Human Services
Leah Douglas, BSW, MSW, PhD, RSW
Second Reader
Faculty, School of Social Work and Human Services

Date Defended/Approved: Fall 2018

iii

Abstract
In the era of The Highway of Tears, the Missing and Murdered Girls and Women in the
Downtown Eastside, stories like Tina Fontaine, and the #MeToo Movement, this research
explores the personal political stories of racialized women who have experienced intimate
partner violence within the housing crisis in Vancouver. To capture racialized women’s voices of
resilience, pain, growth, trauma, and over coming, this research uses Feminist Participatory
Action and Photovoice methods. The purpose of this method was to illuminate authentic, and on
the ground knowledge. The findings from their narratives and courage that arose were conditions
of unsafe and unacceptable housing after changing living situations, how the impact of violence
affected their health, and how resilience and self-actualization grew from adversity. These
findings and discussion with the participants concluded that policies that address these issues
need to include action towards the perpetrators. Policies need to call out and make men
accountable. Policies need to empower racialized women with just wages and employment,
increased stock of safe and acceptable housing, and appropriate treatment and resources for
racialized women who have been abused.

iv
Acknowledgements
I would like to acknowledge my solid community of women friends for the continued
intellectual, creative, and emotional support throughout the process of writing this very personal
paper.
I am ever so grateful for the participants of this research paper, it could have not have happened
without their courage and vulnerability.
I would like to acknowledge Natasha Jategaonkar and Pam Ponic for their research on such a
prevalent issue. The study inspired and empowered me, and introduced me to a way doing
academics, being creative, and incorporating social justice.
I’d also like to thank Glen Paddock, my major paper supervisor, for his guidance, support, and
edits. The insight, wisdom, and patience never wavered. I could not have done this on my own.
I would like to thank Leah Douglas, my second reader, for her meaningful feedback, energy,
accommodations, and support. Her generosity, honesty and patience is invaluable. Had she not lit
a flame beneath me, I may have given up. I am forever indebted, thank you.
I thank the University of the Fraser Valley, and the Director of the School of Social Work and
Human Services, Margaret Coombes for hearing me, and believing in me.
Thank you for Chloe, my editor. Your skills are impeccable.

v
Table of Contents
Abstract .................................................................................................................................. iii
Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................ iv
Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 1
Literature Review .................................................................................................................... 3
Theoretical Framework ......................................................................................................... 14
Method and Design ............................................................................................................... 17
Recruitment ................................................................................................................................... 17

Findings ................................................................................................................................. 22
Demographic Summary ................................................................................................................. 22
Theme 1: Unsafe and unacceptable housing after leaving violence ................................................ 23

Figure 2: Taken by Roxanne ................................................................................................... 25
Figure 3: Taken by Kit Ming ................................................................................................... 26
Figure 4: Taken by Sarah........................................................................................................ 27
Theme 2: The health effects of violence are a barrier to seeking and finding appropriate .............. 27
housing ......................................................................................................................................... 27

Figure 5: Taken by Maria ....................................................................................................... 28
Figure 6: Taken by Roxanne ................................................................................................... 29
Figure 7: Taken by Tomika ..................................................................................................... 29
Figure 8: Taken by Lilac.......................................................................................................... 31
Theme 3: Resilience and Self-Actualization ................................................................................... 33

Figure 10: Taken by Sarah ...................................................................................................... 34
Figure 11: Taken by Tomika ................................................................................................... 34
Figure 12: Taken by Lilac ........................................................................................................ 36
Figure 13: Taken by Lilac ........................................................................................................ 37
Figure 14: Taken by Kit Ming ................................................................................................. 38
Figure 15: Taken by Sarah ...................................................................................................... 38
Figure 16: Taken by Maria ..................................................................................................... 39
Appendix A ............................................................................................................................ 54
Appendix B ............................................................................................................................ 55
Appendix C ............................................................................................................................ 56

vi

List of Figures
Figure 1: Taken by Sarah .............................................................................................................. 24
Figure 2: Taken by Roxanne .......................................................................................................... 25
Figure 3: Taken by Kit Ming .......................................................................................................... 26
Figure 4: Taken by Sarah ............................................................................................................... 27
Figure 5: Taken by Maria .............................................................................................................. 28
Figure 6: Taken by Roxanne .......................................................................................................... 29
Figure 7: Taken by Tomika ............................................................................................................ 29
Figure 8: Taken by Lilac ................................................................................................................. 31
Figure 9: Taken by Kit Ming .......................................................................................................... 32
Figure 10: Taken by Sarah ............................................................................................................. 34
Figure 11: Taken by Tomika .......................................................................................................... 34
Figure 12: Taken by Lilac ............................................................................................................... 36
Figure 13: Taken by Lilac ............................................................................................................... 37
Figure 14: Taken by Kit Ming ........................................................................................................ 38
Figure 15: Taken by Sarah ............................................................................................................. 38
Figure 16: Taken by Maria ............................................................................................................ 39

Introduction
The subject of my research paper stems from my lived experience. I am a racialized
woman who has experienced intimate partner violence (IPV) and found barriers to safe and
acceptable housing. When I came across a research project that was close to my situation, that
used Feminist Participatory Action Research (FPAR) methodology, I felt that I had not only
found a significant research project to build from but also a way to make meaning of my lived
experience, as well as a hope of finding agency and liberation. I was excited about incorporating
social justice and creativity by applying Photovoice as a method to the study. The reader should
know what I mean by “building from”. In my own research study, I followed the same
procedures as Natatsha Jategaonkar and Pamela Ponic, from their research project titled “Unsafe
and Unacceptable Housing: Health & Policy Implications for Women Leaving Violent
Relationships” (2011). They used FPAR, Photovoice, qualitative research, open ended question,
and the study took place in three cities in BC. My study was in BC but on a much smaller scale,
and focused in Vancouver. That said, there have been many nuances and changes between the
time of their study and my own.
The study’s focus is on IPV, the housing crisis in Vancouver, and racialized women’s
health. IPV is a global public health problem faced by about one-third of women in their lifetime
(WHO, 2013). IPV includes any type of violence (physical, emotional, sexual, economic,
psychological, or social) that is perpetrated by women's current or former spouse or intimate
partner (WHO, 2013). The purpose of this research paper is to enhance awareness around
racialized women's health who have been in intimate violent partner relationships and to find out
how these women found housing despite the barriers. My research question is, within the
Vancouver housing crisis, what are the stories of racialized women who have left intimate

Racialized Women’s Health

2

partner violent relationships? The goal of the research is to give voice to the stories of racialized
women who have left IPV relationships and gain their ideas regarding the creation of safer, longterm housing options through policy development in Vancouver. The purpose is also to
document evidence of the barriers to housing faced by these women and to speak to the
resilience of these women.
By creating a platform for racialized women to express their stories through creativity, and
use their voices to provide policy recommendations formulated through an intersectional
feminist and violence lens, this research can help to address how to provide a meaningful context
for safe and acceptable housing for racialized women leaving violent relationships. Just having a
roof over your head is not acceptable. I narrowed down the research paper to racialized women
because it is a vulnerable and under-researched demographic, and one I identify with. I am
defining racialized as a person who has experienced racism, such as immigrants, refugees,
women of colour, and indigenized women. There is IPV in same-sex relationships, but for the
scope of this research, it focused on racial and mixed-racial heterosexual IPV relationships.
There is an abundance of research about non-racialized women in intimate partner violent
relationships fleeing the violence. However, there is limited research that focuses on the issue of
housing for racialized women after leaving violence. With a focus such as this, there can be more
opportunity for the safety and healing of this population.

Racialized Women’s Health

3

Literature Review
Intimate Partner Violence and Racialized Women
Much of the literature on intimate partner violence focuses on the experiences of white
women. It is necessary to address the different intersections of oppression such as racism,
ableism, sexism, and classism or else essential aspects of racialized women’s stories, otherwise
the silence becomes a continuation of the deepening and furthering of violence. In the context of
racialized women’s health, and housing, this section of the literature review will examine what it
means to be a racialized woman who has experienced IPV in Canada.
Racialized women are disproportionately affected by IPV because exposure to chronic
poverty and racism in everyday life puts them at higher risk. According to the Native Women’s
Association of Canada (NWAC), in Canada, 54% of Indigenous “women reported severe forms
of family violence compared to 37% of non-Indigenous women, and other racialized women,
suffer more significantly from domestic violence” (NWAC, 2008, p.2). Indigenous women are
subjected to high rates of multiple forms of violence, including intimate partner violence, in the
context of ongoing colonization and pre-colonization. Furthermore, health promotion
interventions for women who experience violence have not been explicitly tailored for
Indigenous women.
Immigrant and refugee women who have experienced IPV, their issues are compounded
with language difficulties, confusion over their legal rights, and the overall stress of adaptation to
new cultural and social structures (Stockman, Hayashi, & Campbell, 2015). Stockman et al.
(2015) further state that “immigrant women are especially vulnerable [to IPV] because of
poverty, social isolation, disparities in economic and social resources (between the woman and

Racialized Women’s Health

4

her partner), and immigration status” (p.63). Immigrant women are more likely to have lower
levels of education, live in poverty, and have less access to [health care] and other resources,
further exacerbating the health consequences of IPV. Moreover, [racialized] women are
overrepresented in emergency departments. How these factors impact their mental health are
higher rates of depression, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), low self-esteem, and
suicidality. In Stockman et al., 2015 report, they compared racialized women with IPV
experience, to their counterpart who had not experienced IPV, and in some instances, as
compared to white women with IPV experiences and found that the former had much higher
rates of mental health issues (Stockman et al., 2015). However, no published review [focused]
solely on IPV among [racialized women in Canada] and associated physical, mental and sexual
and reproductive health outcomes” and how it impacts their housing.
Peitsch (2010) reports how racialized and immigrant women in communities get labelled
and constructed as “inherently violent” which in turn normalizes violence directed at racialized
women. The impact of this labelling is that they do not get the same system response as a nonracialized woman. She argues that “the criminal justice system has proven imperfect in
addressing sexual violence in the lives of Canadian women in general” (p.136). Systemic bias
and the experience of racialized women suggest that non-white women are less likely to be
conceptualized as victims or as deserving of aid when sexual violence touches their lives (p.136).
An example is the Vancouver Police Department’s lack of integrity and professionalism in how
they investigated the murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls in Downtown Eastside,
like Serena Abotsway, Georgina Papin, and Brenda Ann Wolfe. Those are only 3 of the names of
the thirty-three body pieces and DNA found on this case (Vancouver Sun, 2010). They were
slaughtered on a pig farm by one man and at times an associate, between 1995 and 1999 (Globe

Racialized Women’s Health

5

and Mail, 2017). Police response to Pickton's victims was an 'embarrassment,' a former
Vancouver mayor says. (Globe and Mail, 2018). Indigenous women’s groups, like NWAC, and
national newspapers have reported extensively on the incompetence, racism, and indifference on
the inquiry of the missing girls and women (Culbert, 2010; NWAC, 2010). The murdered and
missing women and girls from the Highway of Tears, which is 450 miles of highway between
Prince George and Prince Rupert in BC is another example of negligence by the government, and
enforcement. RCMP has reported 1,200 cases over the past three decades, but research by
the NWCA suggests the total number could be as high as 4,000 (Levin, 2016).
Racialized women remain depicted as individually, culturally and systemically
"different" or "less than" white women. In 1989, a man shot 14 women during the Montreal
Massacre. The victims, all of whom were white, were shown in the media using their graduation
pictures, along with photos of a commemorative plaque honouring their lives (Desjardins, 2017).
In contrast, the photographs used in the media for missing and murdered Indigenous girls and
women are usually mug shots, or similarly unfavourable images (Vancouver Sun, 2010). This
juxtaposition reinforces racial stereotypes of racialized women, and is so common in
contemporary media that those stereotypes have become normalized, accepted and thus typically
go unexamined. These inaccurate representations of racialized women negatively impact their
lives on so many levels, including the ability to find safe and acceptable housing. This narrative
of racialized women, portrayed as criminals, influences how they are treated, and in this context
by racist police, which could easily be landlords, housing policy makers, or housing board
members who are the gate keepers to housing.
That said, other factors that prevent racialized women who are “immigrant and refugee
women, may be afraid of what could happen to them if their sponsorship breaks down, or might

Racialized Women’s Health

6

be concerned about exposing the violence in a public way because of racist assumptions made
about their communities” (Morris, 2007, p.8) which would prevent them from seeking safe and
acceptable housing.
Safe and Acceptable Housing
O’Campo, P., Daoud, N., Hamilton-Wright, S., & Dunn, J. (2016) authored a strong and
relevant report on the conceptualization of housing instability in Canada that focuses on the less
obvious measures of safe and acceptable housing. O’Campo et al. point out that most studies
examining IPV and housing instability are fragmented, oversimplified, and have limitations
(2015, p.1). Given that, O’Campo et al.’s research brings forward Pavao et al. (2007) and
Rollins et al. (2012) idea that:
the measure used for housing instability is sometimes limited to the housing itself, such
as difficulty paying rent or mortgages, inability to secure housing due to credit problems,
paying 50 per cent or more of income to meet housing costs, eviction threats or notices,
frequent moves, crowding, or doubling up with family or friends. (Cited by O’Campo et
al., 2015 p.2)
O’Campo et al. also identify the work by Barata & Stewart (2010), who broaden the list
of determinants that limit access to stable housing. These include items such as difficulty paying
bills or moving because of partner harassment, or greater discrimination by landlords (e.g.,
refusing to rent to women known to be fleeing abuse) (cited by O’Campo et al., 2015 p.2). It is
important to name and identify these measures to understand IPV, racialized women’s health,
and housing instability. By doing so, it clarifies and brings to the light the barriers that racialized
women experiencing IPV face when trying to access safe and acceptable housing which are
typically overlooked in the literature.

Racialized Women’s Health

7

O’Campo et al. (2015) argue further that when research on housing focuses solely on
financial barriers to housing, important elements of housing accessibility are ignored and are thus
likely to remain unaddressed. Shaw (2004) attempts to address this problem by “measuring
housing conditions, risk of homelessness, and affordability, and additionally looks at proximity
from home to schools, grocery stores, parks, healthcare and [access to public transportation]”
(cited by O’Campo et al., 2015 p.3). Shaw (2004) also includes psychological aspects of
housing, like the feeling of home as a refuge, the prestige a home and its neighbourhood can
provide, the ability to control the home environment, the effect of housing insecurity and debt on
psychological stress, and cultural cohesion within the neighbourhood (cited by O’Campo et al.,
2015 p.3). Shaw’s conceptualization of housing goes beyond financial costs and highlights
elements of safe and acceptable housing that are often taken for granted when is living a
privileged life. Explicitly outlining these elements is incredibly valuable for racialized women
experiencing IPV who may be living with low self-worth, financial poverty, trauma, and
isolation. Studies on IPV and housing report that women’s housing conditions are failing to
meet their mental, spiritual, emotional, and psychological health needs both before and after
separation from a violent partner (Jategaonkar & Ponic 2011). Using this broader conception of
safe housing creates a standard for housing that if properly implemented, would encourage
housing policies that would allow women experiencing IPV to dignity, well-being, and safety.
Vancouver Housing Crisis and Safe and Acceptable Housing
Vancouver is listed as the most expensive housing market in Canada and has in fact
reached "crisis level" (Naidu-Ghelani, 2018; Bailey, 2016). The exorbitant cost of a mortgage or
monthly rent in Vancouver is an obvious barrier for women experiencing IPV, and one that is
particularly challenging for racialized women given their higher rates of poverty and lower

Racialized Women’s Health

8

average income. Buying a house or condo in Vancouver is easily $1 million and above. A down
payment for anything a million and above is 20% which is $200,000 (Globe and Mail, 2018). 5%
down payment is expected for homes under a million dollars; homes for far less than $1,000,000
are readily available in other areas of BC, but not Vancouver. In the current Vancouver housing
market, it is a challenge for double-income middle class families to buy a house, let alone single
parents. According to the City of Vancouver website (Vancouver, 2018), the average monthly
rate for a two-bedroom unit in May 2018, was $2,800. For anyone whose household income is
less than $50,000, one would be spending over 50% of their income on housing if living in an
average two-bedroom unit. The maximum income assistance amount for shelter that a single
parent who has multiple persistent barriers can receive a month is $570, according to the BC
Income Assistance Rate Table (Ministry of Social Development and Social Innovation, 2017).
Furthermore, the Canadian Mortgage and Housing Association (CHMA) reported that in 2017
Vancouver had a rental vacancy rate was of 1%, which means landlords can pick and choose
whom they rent to, and they also have history of arbitrarily increasing their monthly rates.
Currently, housing policies in Vancouver are slow to roll out permits that promote
housing density in urban areas. Additionally, there is a huge shift in long-term affordable rentals
being replaced with expensive short-term rentals such as Air BnBs. Because of the housing
policies that negatively impact long-term affordable rentals, there is a trend of all types of wage
earners migrating away from the city. Subsidized housing units and housing co-op units are in
high demand, and have low supply. To apply for housing co-ops there are long waitlists, and it is
not uncommon for waitlists to be closed due to so many applications.
Monthly rental costs and mortgages are the transparent costs that are apparent barriers.
These dramatic and increasing housing costs prevent racialized women from leaving IPV

Racialized Women’s Health

9

relationships. They have limited choices of housing options of either moving to an affordable
space outside of Vancouver, or live in unsafe circumstances of unacceptable housing. However,
other research and theorists support the idea that leaving a partner who is abusive does not
always mean that the survivor must leave home (Baker et al., 2010; Breckenridge & Mulroney,
2007; Paterson, 2009). The concept of a survivor staying in the home is a massively underresearched preference for racialized women who want to stay in the home and not have to uproot
the lives of their children and their network.
Financial Hardship
Jategaonkar & Ponic (2010, p.11) state “poverty is the most significant barrier to housing
that women face when they leave violence.” According to Canada Without Poverty, poverty can
be broadly defined as involving “a lack of income and resources to meet basic needs, as well as
intangibles such as lack of opportunity, meaningful employment, and belonging (p.1)” With
limited or sometimes no resources, opportunities, or employment, it is challenging for women
leaving violent relationships to secure housing (Canada Without Poverty, 2010). An important
finding in Jategaonkar & Ponic’s (2010) report was about financial abuse, IPV, and housing.
They found that some women would immediately experience poverty after they left
relationships, particularly in circumstances where ex-partners controlled or withdrew women’s
access to the families’ finances. For many of the women in the research by Jategaonkar & Ponic
(2010), social assistance was the only available income option after leaving violence because the
lack of available childcare or post-abuse health issues preventing them from securing or
maintaining employment. Jategaonkar & Ponic (2010) note that women pay much more than 30
percent (the recommended maximum percentage of income that should go towards housing) –

Racialized Women’s Health

10

and some upwards of 75 percent – of their income for housing, which forces them to face daily
decisions about whether to pay for rent, bills, food, clothing, or other life necessities.
Recommendations that were made to offset some of the financial barriers to housing was
to increase welfare rates, having equal pay, strengthening residential tenancy laws by attaching
rent increases to residential units (not tenants) and prohibit eviction into homelessness. On the
City of Vancouver website (Vancouver, 2017), they are currently trying to address the housing
crisis by reviewing laneway housing permits, implementing an Empty Homes Tax, Temporary
Modular Housing for the homeless, and numerous types of subsidized rent payment programs for
low to moderate family incomes. That said, there are limited programs, and subsidies specifically
for racialized women who have experienced IPV. Accessing these subsidies and housing
resources can at times be just as challenging and confusing, if not more, as seeking housing
itself. It requires being computer literate, mastery of English, disclosing and being vulnerable,
knowing where to look, filling out applications, qualifying, and a lot of time and patience. Big
decision making, mental and emotional labour is also required at a time when one can feel the
most depleted, isolated and depressed.
Appropriate Legal Aid
In Vancouver, there are legal aid resources, such as Rise Legal Services for Women,
Legal Services Society, and the Indigenous Legal Clinic that help women with legal aid around
domestic violence, child custody, and divorce/separation. These services are helpful, however,
their waitlists are long and they have limited available service hours (Marchetti, 2008). They are
also not-for-profit organizations, and students often deliver the services. The British Columbia
Committee to Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (BC CEDAW) Group selfidentifies as a “coalition of women's non-governmental organizations committed to advancing

Racialized Women’s Health

11

the rights of women and girls in British Columbia” (BC CEDAW, 2016, p.0). They state that
“men predominantly use criminal law legal aid, and it is women who are usually in need of
family law legal aid and civil legal aid” (BC CEDAW, p.2). Another important fact to know,
which contributes to housing barriers is “the disproportionate poverty and economic hardship
that women experience after separation, the legal and financial rights afforded to them under the
family law are vital to their ongoing economic security” (BC CEDAW, p.2). “They need
accessible legal services to enforce their rights, but in BC there is no legal aid coverage for
financial matters involving the division of property and family maintenance” (BC CEDAW, p.
2). This is the crux of financial abuse that starts in IPV, and how the violence continues after
separation. Because there is not enough money for legal aid after the woman leaves, there is no
support to access the rights to property and child support. These are the conditions that lead to
unsafe and unacceptable housing after separation. Unfortunately, there is no how-to-book to
walk racialized women through the legal system, or even prepare them for what may lay ahead.
The idea of restraining orders or having to seek protection from their violent husband or partner
under legal aid as an immigrant woman, would be beyond comprehension. BC CEDAW
acknowledges marginalized populations but does not give specific data on how lack of legal aid
resources affect racialized women who have experienced IPV and access to safe and acceptable
housing.
Mental Health Effects of Violence and Housing
The literature (Jategaonkar & Ponic, (2010); Pavao, Alvarez, Baumrind, Induni, &
Kimerling, R. (2007); and Rollins et al., (2012)) reveals that intimate partner violence
compromises health, both physical and mental, due to the negative impacts of violence on
women’s health such as depression and post-traumatic stress disorder, and it limits their ability to

Racialized Women’s Health

12

access housing. The result could also lead to taking longer to get housing. Often the housing
found is unacceptable and unsafe, and this situation further aggravates women’s mental and
physical health, thus creating a persistent cycle in which poor health is a barrier to housing, and
in turn, inadequate housing is a barrier to good health.
In the Building Bridges Report, one woman described it as feeling “confused, scared,
threatened, abandoned…needing to find somewhere that’s safe…but more struggles and
obstacles and barriers” (Atkey et al., 2010, p. 17). Other women used the terms of lost, alone,
overwhelmed, and less than. Some women spoke of being suicidal during the transition of
leaving their home to finding new housing. The challenges associated with navigating the
complex systems, paperwork, and tasks required to secure and maintain income, housing, and
other life necessities further impair women’s mental wellness, particularly in the context of
poverty and re-victimization.
IPV survivors consistently report Post-traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Judith Herman,
a feminist writer, professor and psychiatrist, compares aftermaths of intimate partner violence, to
the aftermaths of war veterans. She defines PTSD as symptoms of helplessness, dissociation,
persistent distrust, ruminative preoccupation, or reliving experiences (Herman, 2009). That said,
there are limited resources for women with PTSD caused by abuse, especially compared to
veterans who are diagnosed with PTSD.
Currently, there are services like Battered Women's Society, Women Against Violence
Against Women, and Stop the Violence Program, which all have long wait-lists. The programs
are vulnerable to provincial government contracts and have limited sessions per client. Veterans,
mainly men, in Canada are offered PTSD inpatient and outpatient treatment, Disability Benefits,
Rewards and Pensions, and Earning Loss Benefits Veterans Affairs Canada, 2014). They are

Racialized Women’s Health

13

offered to get re-educated with all costs covered. When they are discharged on medical leave for
PTSD from the military they attend multiple workshops that explain what benefits, pensions and
other resources there are, plus a-how-to-fill-out applications and forms workshop. They also get
referred to a medical team which includes a psychiatrist, medical doctor, nurse, and case
manager. Some veterans who are released on PTSD disability, maintain their full wage until
retirement, plus extended health benefits. If women's experience of PTSD caused by abuse was
acknowledged and responded to on a government and institutional level with appropriate
monetary compensations and programming as veterans, recovery and housing would look much
more hopeful. It would alleviate some of the economic and psychological barriers to long-term,
safe and acceptable housing.
Women’s physical health problems are often the most noticeable, and contribute to
mental health issues. Women report broken bones, extensive bruising, and fractures, directly
resulting from IPV. Studies “reported chronic health problems – diabetes, hypertension, irritable
bowel syndrome, fibromyalgia, osteoarthritis, and chronic pain” (Daoud et al., 2016, p. 213).
Broken bones and bruises likely get an immediate response from healthcare workers and it’s
easier to link it to IVP, but it’s the chronic physical and mental health problems that remain long
after abuser is gone and get less attention.
To conclude, the research mostly focuses on non-racialized women, and there are limited
studies on about racialized women and how that intersection may impact their mental and
physical health. These factors affect all aspects of life, like being able to work, connecting to
other people, parenting, and self-care. These barriers, in the midst of a housing crisis, and fleeing
IPV – it takes determination and hustle to find a safe place to land. The abilities to move

Racialized Women’s Health

14

forward, move out, and move to uncertainty, and to breathe throughout, speak to the
perseverance of racialized women who experience IPV.
Theoretical Framework
In this research report, I will apply a critical feminist intersectionality theory. It is the
study of numerous categories of social relations that intersect with one another to generate
systems of power, class, oppression, and privilege (McCall, 2005). An intersectional framework
makes racialized women, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people—whose
needs and experiences tend to be concealed by gender-only frameworks visible (McQueeney,
2016). Feminist intersectionality theory examines the immediate and interacting effects of
gender, race, class, and sexuality on people's experiences (McQueeney, 2016). Davis (1981),
hooks (1993), and Lorde (1984) state that feminists of colour have shown that a gender-only
analysis of IPV can imply a false universalism, that in actuality is rooted in white, middle-class,
heterosexual women's experiences and interests (cited by McQueeney, 2016). For example,
Crenshaw (1991) found that antiviolence agencies that rely on a "race-neutral" understanding of
women who have experienced intimate partner violence often fail to meet the needs of racialized
women and immigrant women (McQueeney, 2016). Feminist intersectionality theory of race and
gender, placed at the center of inquiry (i.e., neither category is analytically privileged) can create
systems of care that promote justice and well-being for all (McQueeney, 2016).
The feminist intersectional lens can also clarify the ways that gender, poverty, geography,
racism, and colonialism overlap for rural First Nations women, and at the same time increase the
risk of IPV and decrease access to housing and related services. Furthermore, it helps to
illuminate health inequalities and the influence of social determinants of health by promoting a

Racialized Women’s Health

15

framework for examining their complexities (Harkivksy & Christoffersen, 2008). For the reasons
stated above, this theory is the most appropriate to apply.
Within the study, I will be using Feminist Participatory Action Research (FPAR). It came
to be because Participatory Action Research (PAR) indicates that the social world is a place of
gender-neutrality. FPAR is a way that feminist theory and practice is be used to inform and
develop PAR (Hardwick, Smith, & Worsley, 2016). FPAR aims to privilege women's
experiences as legitimate sources of knowledge, enhance community inclusion and participation,
and facilitate action towards social change (Frisby, Maguire & Reid, 2009). Like PAR, the
purpose of FPAR is to democratize the knowledge building process, then adding a clear gender
lens while factoring in other intersecting axes of power and oppression such as race, class,
sexuality, and ability (Maguire, 2001).
Photovoice is a participatory action research strategy that offers unique contributions to
women's health. It is a process by which people can identify, represent, and enhance their
community through a specific photographic technique. Photovoice has three main goals: (1) to
enable people to record and reflect their community's strengths and concerns, (2) to promote
critical dialogue and knowledge about personal and community issues through large and small
group discussion of their photographs, and (3) to reach policymakers (Wang & Burris, 1997). It
involves participants taking photos to illustrate their experiences and then discussing the
meaning of their photos through individual and group interviews (Wang, 1999). This method has
become gradually used in social justice and health research projects because of the use of
photographs as data delivers a powerful effect on knowledge translation and social change
activities. Photovoice is becoming a popular research method to record the daily lives of people
with less social, political and economic power (Wang, 1999).

Racialized Women’s Health

16

Attributed to Caroline Wang, Photovoice came to be so that women living in Yunnan
province in rural China could take pictures. These pictures were used as a form of capturing
hardships they endured to change and influence policy-makers (Wang, 1999, p.55). Since that
time, researchers and social justice groups have been able to enable local people to act as
recorders, and potential catalysts for social action and change in their communities. The
photographs allow the immediacy of the image and captioned stories to furnish evidence and to
promote an active, participatory means of sharing expertise to create healthy public policy
(Wang, 1999, p.56).
Photovoice disrupts dominant discourse in research and interventions of IPV by enabling
researchers and practitioners to gain a perspective from vulnerable populations and values the
knowledge put forth by them as a vital source of expertise (Oden, 2013). It is accessible to
anyone who has a camera and can take photos, no matter what language they speak, or if the can
or cannot read.
As a consequence of IPV, the survivor can often be isolated because they are still in that
relationship, and/or are feeling shame and fear. In the Photovoice method participation allows for
more abundant and more complex social life data, such as social and political relations, than if
only formal survey sampling techniques are used (Wang, 1997). Wang & Burris (1999) also
highlight that there are tangible and immediate benefits to participants and their networks. This
method can sustain community participation during the period between phases of a research
project. Long-term community members cultivate long-term relationships by expressing
appreciation, building ties, and pass along something of value made by themselves. Mohanty
(1999) argues that in Western feminism, racialized women are defined primarily concerning their
object statuses, such as victims of male violence, victims of the colonial process, and victims of

Racialized Women’s Health

17

economic development (p. 338). Alternatively, Photovoice enables survivors to depict not only
the community's needs but also its assets.
This approach factors in the complexity of the experiences of racism, sexism, religion,
language, gender, education, income, occupation, ethnicity, age, indigeneity status and
geographic location, and many other social categories that impact access to jobs, housing, and
how likely to be respected and accepted in the way you are by people with money and power
who make most of the decisions. These social categories do not act on their own. They interact to
produce unique experiences and perspectives. In my own experience and those that I have
witnessed, the more marginalized one is, the more silenced they are.
Method and Design
As noted in the theoretical framework, FPAR and Photovoice were used as the method
and design. It is a specific tool that is appropriate to address racialized women's health, intimate
partner violence and the housing crisis. The methods were used in conjunction with focus
groups and qualitative in nature. A thematic analysis was used as the method to analyze the data.
Recruitment
Recruitment began once approval had been obtained from the University of the Fraser
Valley’s Research Ethics Board on November 15, 2017 (Appendix A). Racialized women who
had met the requirements of research were invited to participate in the study through a
recruitment poster sent out by the researcher during the period November to December 2017,
explaining the study and the criteria for participation (Appendix B). The posters were sent in
Vancouver public spaces, such as online forums, employment and community centres. A letter of
informed consent which provided more details about the study was also attached to the
recruitment email (Appendix C). The researcher spoke with ten potential participants. The

Racialized Women’s Health

18

inclusion criteria required that participants: a) had left a violent relationship, were out of
immediate danger, and had a safety plan in place; b) can make informed consent as legal adults;
c) were able to commit to the project; and d) had identified supports in place and can reach out
for support if needed. Six women met these criteria. Childcare was offered, but not needed. The
first and second sessions took place in an Employment Service Centre in a private boardroom.
The sessions took place here because participants would be to remain anonymous and
confidential. There would be no signage to say the reason for them being there. The participants
came from various ethnic backgrounds, incomes, and housing situations which are listed in
Appendix E.
Procedure and Data Collection
The first meeting as a group was a 3-hour session focus group to discuss ethical protocols
and safety procedures. In this session, we discussed and went over informed consent procedures,
the collection of demographic and background information. The researcher and participants
discussed the formulation of a formal consent which could be renewed at different points of the
research process. The researcher continuously checked in and reminded participants to use their
support network, caseworkers, researcher, and each other for emotional support throughout the
project. Remarkably, one of my participants shared that she was also a participant in Natasha and
Ponic’s study in 2011. Her participation was invaluable to our group.
A consulting photographer attended this meeting. The photographer was also a social
justice journalist, who was familiar with Photovoice research methods. The participants gave
verbal consent for them to be there to give training. The photographer came in to give
information on the process of taking photos as data, relevant legal restrictions, and creating art
for research. The photographer talked about how to take metaphorical photographs for the study.

Racialized Women’s Health

19

Metaphorical photography is a visual presentation as opposed to verbal or literal. Most
importantly, the photographs will not be able to connect or make any participant identifiable.
There was the discussion of study participants retaining ownership and control of their data.
The goal of the photograph is to capture the feeling that they want to portray regarding
their housing situation. Examples given were of a photograph of mould in a bedroom, and a
flower growing out of a crack of cement. Study participants were coached on how to use their
smartphones to take their photographs. The researcher discussed the importance of
confidentiality and the potential risks of exposure to their photographs. The researcher outlined
that each study participant owned their photo, and by sharing their photo, would be giving
permission for the researcher to use them. The researcher explained that the photographs would
be used as data, including asking participants open-ended questions about the how and why they
took the photo.
The second session was audio recorded and transcribed with the narratives of the
participants. The researcher asked simple questions about the photographs, such as ‘why did the
participant take this photo?’, and ‘what does the photo mean to you?’ for each participant to
identify and reflect on the meaning of their photo. Researcher and participants discussed what
policy changes needed to happen, and what information needed to be put forward to benefit the
circumstances for racialized women who have experienced intimate partner violence and have
had to find safe and acceptable housing.
From the narratives of the photographs (data), the researcher completed a thematic analysis
identifying the barriers and resiliencies of finding housing, and the mental well-being, or illness
of participants during that time. The researcher emailed the draft of themes, and policy changes
to all participants for feedback, critique and amendments. The researcher made changes and re-

Racialized Women’s Health

20

sent the report to participants for their approval. Once the data was finalized, the researcher made
a final report which included their stories, discussion and recommendations.
Ethical Considerations
The researcher submitted documentation to the University of the Fraser Valley’s
Research Ethics Board on February 15, 2017, in order to ensure that the study aligned with
research ethics. This study was approved by the University of the Fraser Valley’s Research
Ethics Board on May 15, 2017 (Appendix A). The ethical considerations of this research project
are the potential of the participants to be put at risk for participating by being identified through
the photographs. The participants are given pseudonym names in this report to reduce risks. The
other ethical consideration is the potential for emotional triggering or discomfort that may come
up during the process. For those reasons, there are ethical protocols put in place for this research
project. Those are that all research and ethical decisions are made through a lens of safety and
autonomy. The researcher is a Registered Social Worker and trained in ethical protocols and
debates. Participants were trained in ethical Photovoice protocols and informed consent
processes. Awareness was raised with participants to discuss and make clear the short-and longterm implications of their involvement in each stage of the research process.
Participants were trained and encouraged to take photos that portray metaphorical rather than
literal images of their experiences, and that do not necessarily identify any person or place.
Canadian privacy laws regarding photo-taking were reviewed with participants and used to
guide photo-taking and photo usage in knowledge translation activities. Participants were
advised that no identifiable photos of children will be taken. No photos were taken that
implicated participants in illegal activities and place them in increased danger. Participants were
involved in the analysis and representation of research outputs. Participants owned their data and

Racialized Women’s Health

21

explicitly agreed in writing to “release” it to the researchers for specific purposes.
Limitations of the Study
One of the compelling reasons I choose to use FPAR as a methodology is because of the
anti-oppressive approach. I value inclusivity and equality. Women want to participate for many
different reasons, but one I think is to create change. Roni Strier (2007), a social worker, who
has written about Participatory Action Research (PAR), points out that the motivation and
willingness to become a participant is linked to an imminent and radical change in life (p. 864).
Clough, P.T., & Fine (2007) write that their FPAR projects offered an electric current of research
and activism through critique and possibility that travelled over prison walls (p. 266).
Additionally, one of the differences of community-based research, which has the same
principles of FPAR, is the research emphasizes both process and outcomes, not just outcomes.
Another aspect to be considered is that participants are most likely be sharing their experiences
of trauma, which brings up many things such as intra and interpersonal issues during the process
(Strier, 2007). Moreover, although supporting one another will likely come naturally, the
objective of research over counselling is the main task. Participants are required to have a care
plan and support network intact during the process of the research for when emotional difficulty
arises. That said, Clough, P.T., & Fine (2007) bring up their struggle of who is the ‘we' of their
research collective, and through that process brought up the differences of power and privilege.
Other limitations of the study are the small sample size. It is not an accurate reflection of
Vancouver. Also, I will only be speaking to women who have experienced IPV, and will not be
able to compare barriers to housing by women who have not experienced IPV.

Racialized Women’s Health

22
Findings

Demographic Summary
The participants’ ages ranged from 30 to 55 years, the average being 41 years of age. The
women’s ethnicities were Filipino, African, Filipino-Spanish-Jewish-Chinese, Metis, Peruvian,
and Filipino-Irish. Their names are Roxanne, Kit Ming, Sarah, Maria, Tomika, and Lilac. Half
were single, the other half of women where partnered. Four women had full-custody of their
children, and two women had half-time custody. Sexual orientation of participants was three
heterosexuals, two bi-sexual, and one did not respond to question. For the primary income of the
women, two were employed, one was on disability income, one on social assistance, and one did
not have an income. Their yearly average income was $30,000.
The abuse history of participants ranged from most of life (all 6 participants), and
included multiple partners (4 of 6 participants) or one partner (2 of 6 participants). Five
participants reported still having on going abuse, and one participant did not respond to the
question. Five participants self-reported that they continue to be harassed. The types of housing
that participants lived in were home ownership, private rental unit, long-term social housing,
transitional housing and homeless. The most consistent reasons for moving were for safety,
health, happiness, and affordability. Other reasons were because of crowding, inadequate
conditions, or landlord decision.

Racialized Women’s Health

23

Themes
Three themes stood out most prominently in the rich narratives and photos that the
participants shared. They are unsafe and unacceptable housing after leaving violence, health
effects of violence area barrier to seeking and finding appropriate housing, resilience and selfactualization.

Theme 1: Unsafe and unacceptable housing after leaving violence
The participants that found housing described themselves as “resigned to the fact;” in
other words, they were forced to live in conditions that weren’t appropriate, but were available.
The housing options for the women were none to slim, with long waitlists (minimum of one
year) for housing co-ops. At times, even the ability to get on a waitlist was closed for housing coops in Vancouver. For the women that did have access, the housing was inadequate with leaking
roofs, and mold with no plans for repairs or treatment. The housing was unsuitable because of
lack of enough room, and no laundry access. The Photovoice figure 1 taken by Sarah shows the
over-crowding her and her 4 children lived in for 9 years.

24
Figure 1: Taken by Sarah

My children and I went from a five-bedroom family home to a 3-bedroom subsidized housing
unit. My kids gave up their own private bedrooms in our family home and had to share with their
siblings. We were crowded into a small, old space that made it hard to come to terms with what
we had all been through and I believe it delayed all our healing process.
Other things that came up for participants was the lack of privacy. In a long term, social
housing situation one participant, Roxanne, shared that she felt she had no privacy. To be
accepted into the housing she had to disclose all the information, including her history of abuse,
all financial history and child custody history. After being accepted into the housing she was
repeatedly questioned about her finances. Through the surveillance cameras they noted how
often she was with her son, and regularly questioned her custody agreement. Furthermore, she
was expected to show her apartment with no notice, to fundraising providers and people who
were interested in seeing the social housing building and program. Roxanne also mentioned that
she wasn’t allowed to have males stay overnight. She understands that this policy was supposed

25
to protect her, and the other women. At the same time, it prevented her from moving forward and
feeling that she had agency in her own home.
Figure 2: Taken by Roxanne

They say that the surveillance cameras are there for our protection, but I just feel like they’re
spying on me, making me feel like I constantly must prove that I belong here. I feel like they
know all my business and are judging me. They regularly question me about how much time I
spend with my son, ask for my bank account statements and demand to know who my guests are.
It makes me not want to live here, but I don’t have any other options. (Roxanne)
Participants spoke of being discriminated against for how their food would smell in the
building and be treated differently by the staff and residents in transition housing. Roxanne was
asked, which felt accusingly, why she wasn’t utilizing the church for support. They had assumed
that based on her ethnicity she practiced a certain religion.
All but one participant stated that more than one of the places they stayed in had mould.
Kit Ming said that they would have pots in the living room and bedrooms to collect the water
that would come through the leaking roof when it would rain heavily. At the same time, she
could smell the mould in her children’s bedroom. The landlord did nothing about the roof or

26
mould so she had to scrape the mold off the walls in the closet herself and rent a dehumidifier to
try and treat it. She was paranoid about how the mould may affect her children’s health,
especially with the little one who had asthma. Money was very tight at this time, and any extra
costs bit into their food money.
Figure 3: Taken by Kit Ming
This is a picture very close to my
house that has been neglected and close to
abandoned. My rational mind knew that my
situation wasn’t that bad, yet. But at the
height of the crisis our home was leaking
water into the kitchen, bedrooms and living
room from a roof that needed serious
repairs, a basement that was flooded with
sewer water, and closets damp with mold. It
felt inhumane to allow me and my kids to
live under these conditions. Which is in part
why my two children and I couch surfed for
over a month. (Kit Ming)

27

Figure 4: Taken by Sarah

The housing prospects I could afford intensified my pain of leaving abuse. It was like pouring
salt in an open sore when I looked at filthy broken down building and I cried at the thought of
raising my four kids in a place of brokenness and poverty. (Sarah)
Theme 2: The health effects of violence are a barrier to seeking and finding appropriate
housing
For the women in this study, the negative impact of violence on their health compromised
both their ability to seek and find housing after leaving. The participants reported that the process
of actively seeking housing was made much more difficult by mental health issues such as
suicide ideation, as visualized and described by Maria:

28

Figure 5: Taken by Maria

During a dark rainy night, I had an urge to swerve my car into on-coming traffic. I was alone in
my car, and this quick and sudden flash of suicide ideation scared me to the bone. I was
homeless with my children, and there was a lot of uncertainty, pain, and destabilization on too
many levels that I feel brought me to this extreme feeling. (Maria)
Shame came up consistently in the data. Roxanne’s abusive partner was a white male, and
the participant is racialized. Her family encouraged the relationship and did not want to
acknowledge the abuse because they felt she would be provided for by someone with more
privilege. Roxanne felt the shame of being abused, the shame of having to admit the abuse to her
parents, and the shame that her parents would not support her by overlooking the abuse. Roxanne
had to leave without the support of her parents, and had to go it on her own with her 2-year-old
daughter.

29

Figure 6: Taken by Roxanne

Shame made me feel locked up. I couldn’t
make clear rational decisions. I couldn’t
believe the crisis I was living in, and that it
was happening to me and my child by
someone who claimed to love us. The pain
was locked up for so many years of living
with neglect and abuse which cost me my
self-worth and ability to find acceptable
housing. (Roxanne)

The following photograph is of a punch mark in a wall from her husband’s fist which was
taken by a mother of three, Tomika. It highlights the lack of accountability in society of men
acknowledging and taking responsibility of themselves, which directly impacts his family.
Figure 7: Taken by Tomika

30

He can't control his anger. He avoids
intense emotions. He uses cannabis to
manage himself. He says if we hadn't made
him, he wouldn't have done it.
I don't know how to express my anger. I
don't know how to feel my intense emotions.
I don't know how to manage myself. But I
know that I'm tired of holding this for the
men in my family who expect that this is not
their problem. (Tomika)

What came out consistently for participants was their own disbelief of their reality of
living in violence and realizing that not only were their partners being violent, but the system
that was supposed to protect them would not, which compounded the depressive thoughts. This
is also seen in the next drawing taken by Lilac. She was also not believed, and not able to rely on
the criminal justice system for keeping racialized women safe from IPV.
The picture was drawn by Lilac. It is of an experience where her partner took her to a
restaurant while she was pregnant. After they had finished eating, without a word, he got up and
left the restaurant knowing that Lilac did not have money to pay the bill. He had actually paid the
bill without telling her and wanted to watch from outside the restaurant to see what would
happen between the server and her. He intentionally humiliated her out in public, leaving a
strong message of who had the power in their relationship.

31
Figure 8: Taken by Lilac

So, I found myself at this point being in a relationship where I saw things escalating, his
coping of stress was kind of like, take it out on me, emotional abuse of just kind of making me
feel small. I just remember that, “if you call the police they won’t believe you”. And all that I
could feel was the he was right. They won’t believe me, I was going through this case of being
assaulted, and it was going to be the next day, after he had taken advantage of me in the middle
of the night. I just found myself in the same situation again. Being assaulted by your child’s dad
is not the situation that you imagine yourself to be in. Moreover, all those things that you
believed about yourself, you believe that you don’t matter after a while. (Lilac)
For Sarah, even though she had managed to leave the abuse, life got harder in other ways.
Sarah was a stay at home mother, and was financially dependent on the father. After she left, he
refused to pay any child support and she had to find a way to support and feed her children.
It was very heart breaking that I couldn't give more to my children. It took a huge toll on
me as I struggled to work multiple entry level jobs just to feed and clothe my kids. He
didn't see the kids very often which was hurtful to them but better because of his ongoing
alcoholism. (Sarah)
Sarah voiced that the emotional and mental load that she had took on, by herself, while
living in unacceptable housing was a common experience amongst women. If Sarah had

32
appropriate resources and more support, she stated she wouldn’t have had to live 9 years in such
conditions.
For many of the participants, depression, loneliness, PTSD, loss of identity and being
overwhelmed with responsibility and emotions were strong barriers to seeking housing. These
symptoms and more are weaved in and out during some point in their narratives. This final photo
taken by a Kit Ming, speaks to the weight of responsibility of having to make decisions of
moving, such as where to move, how to make the move, and all the other things that come with
moving. At the same time, trying to manage their own mental health and feeling depleted,
parenting, and working.

Figure 9: Taken by Kit Ming

33

I feared living in my house. I feared not
living in my house and having to up root my
life and my children’s life and being
overwhelmed with all of it. The uncertainty
of outcome and effects of PTSD would leave
me paralyzed. The lack of mobility due to
emotional pain, financial abuse, and fear.
On top of that, the housing options looked
hopelessly dismal. (Kit Ming)

As mentioned in the literature review, it is well documented on how intimate partner
violence by men affects women and children. This theme of the health effects from intimate
partner violence is a barrier to finding safe and acceptable housing is necessary look at, because
housing is such a determinant of health.
Theme 3: Resilience and Self-Actualization
Experiences of resilience and self-actualization were consistently noted by each
participant. Although they were in different stages of housing, they had managed to disrupt the
violence in certain situations and find better living situations. Further to that, the participants
shared stories of growth, having purpose, and healing.
This photo was taken by a Metis mother of four children. She went from living with an
abusive husband, to living in a tent with her children, to a rundown apartment building.
Eventually she become an Executive Director, holds a Master’s degree and is a homeowner. She
says this:

34
Figure 10: Taken by Sarah

Cut down, broken and destroyed. That's what I thought when I left. I thought that I would be hurt
and afraid forever. I thought that the ache inside my bones would never heal and that the
struggle for safe housing that I could be proud of would never be attainable. I thought the dream
of living beyond the hurt was not possible. But just like this tree that was cut down, new life has
sprung from this broken space. For me this is hope, resilience, trust, and letting go of loss to
make room for new possibilities. I am forever changed by my experience of fleeing violence but I
am not disabled, limited or bound to the abuse. I am proud of my growth and proud of how hard
my children have work to heal from the experience as well. We were all harmed and we have all
healed into a strong and supportive family. (Sarah)
This participant, Tomika, coped by going to the gym almost every day for a year of
changing her housing situation. She started going to counseling and started feeling empowered
and practicing self-love.
Figure 11: Taken by Tomika

35

Empowerment is showing up for myself. Keeping commitments to myself. Moving heavy objects
because I am strong and I can count on myself to hold myself up, to carry myself around, with
love and respect for the body and everything it supports. (Tomika)
Tomika expressed how she accepted and learned to love all of herself. She learned to love
what she perceived as her flaws, be empowered, and used her experience to build a safer home
for her and her children. She also shared her story to help others.

36
Figure 12: Taken by Lilac

I feel like this is who I am, as I co-exist in this world, knowing that survivor part in me. I’m
always trying to contain it, the old leaves, from season to season, every year. I see all that’s
living and green, but I’m always trying to contain and compartmentalize what happened to me,
and know it’s all there. At the same time there is this denial, but the warrior in me boxes it in,
and keep myself safe. Who I put out there, some things are about addressing violence. I want to
write stories about my abuse to help others. (Lilac)
Lilac, and other participants, took up careers helping women, furthered their education,
found expression through art, and joined anti-violence movements. They found alternative
solutions from the criminal justice system to find their healing and growth. They found meaning
from their experience and found self-reconciliation, purpose, connection and agency.

37
Figure 13: Taken by Lilac

I remember having the feeling of warmth.
Finding the strength of other women to
share my story and having solidarity.
Know that each one of us are at different
places, and where I am now. I have a
home that doesn’t have any violence. I
also know that I won’t find resolution in
the justice system. The reality is that you
can find your own resolution in your own
life and that’s what matters the most.
Knowing that in my day to day I can find
that resolution in myself and through
connection. (Lilac)

These next two Photovoice samples taken by participants show the power that women hold
despite being oppressed by patriarchy. The following photos were taken by Kit Ming and Sarah.

38
Figure 14: Taken by Kit Ming

What felt like there was no end, and if
there were, it wouldn’t be good. The
picture shows me the determination and
resilience of new life cracking through
hard places despite it all. (Kit Ming)

Figure 15: Taken by Sarah

This is leaving, it's going. Driving away, running away. Taking a stand while embracing
uncertainty. I loaded up my four kids and my pets and we left. Everyone was silent. I think we all
felt the weight of the decision and we also felt the freedom that came with the choice. It was after
dinner when we fled and as I drove into the night I didn't realize I didn't have a plan I just had
had enough. I couldn't take anymore threats, intimidation, yelling, breaking things and I couldn’t
spend another night blaming myself for the hell I found myself paralyzed in. I was fleeing abuse
and running towards hope. (Sarah)

40
For several of the women, they chose to bring to light their stories of intimate partner
violence for the first time, which was courageous and powerful. For some, they chose to protect
that story, and focus on the barriers to housing that gripped them, and the resources that
propelled them forward. Within the discussion, support, active listening, safety, and connection
happened organically. Although not specifically mentioned as a theme, the women spoke of their
children often throughout the discussion. Sometimes it was about the concerns of how they were
impacted by the violence long term, and how it was showing up in their children’s lives. The
ages of participant’s children varied from one year old to adults. Some children were aware of
what was going on and helped with moving, and others being born after major crisis. Behind the
words of the women was a whole big bag of emotions such as shame, blame, pride, guilt,
tenderness, longing, and deep love. What came from this discussion was the idea of holding
monthly women’s art group therapy sessions. One of the participants is an art therapist and
president of a Filipino Indigenous arts collective society. She offered to facilitate racialized
women’s groups for healing from IPV, and bringing our children. We also discussed the idea of
men’s groups that meet up to discuss accountability and IPV. We brainstormed who we knew
from community that would be able to hold such a space, and if there would be interest. Coming
up with these ideas in our session energized the space, and made us feel empowered. It also
brought up the feeling that although we came together because of adversity, what would keep us
together was connection and resilience.
During the time of this research, Black Lives Matter, the #MeToo, #TimeIsUp, and
#HowWillIChange was on the rise within the anti-violence movement and social media.
Thousands of women started coming forward with their stories of violence and calling out men
who had perpetrated the violence. The #MeToo movement affected the discussion by way of

41
focusing not only on the stories of the participants, but of the lack of narrative and discourse on
accountability of men, and policies, resources and language that reflect accountability.
That said, the discussion and implications included similar outcomes to the Jategaonkar
& Ponic (2011) study, however it also has its nuances of the times, and focused on
recommendations that could make changes that interrogate and disrupt how patriarchy impacts
racialized women’s housing, health and healing. In the literature review section, accessible legal
aid was mentioned as a conduit towards safe and acceptable housing. The participants came up
with similar ideas but with some tweaking. The recommendation the group came up with, is a
low to moderate income accessible legal aid service which is grounded in an intersectional
feminist approach to IPV. Considering there is currently a movement addressing violence against
women, perpetrated by men there needs to be legal services that center on IPV, not just broad
and general services like Victim Services or Family Law. The service would provide childcare,
translators, and multi-cultured and multi-language professionals. The agency would hold the
knowledge and experience of legal and social issues of separation and divorce, child custody,
criminal law, tenants’ rights, refugee rights, and property asset laws. Legal aid and legal offices
such as this could easily give a racialized woman a fighting chance to equip herself with the
resources needed to gain back her confidence, rights, healing, and appropriate housing.
The idea of temporary housing or shelters for men was brought up. Women and children
being uprooted, re-located, and separated from their network and community is much more
disruptive than one person finding a place to go. The women and children could stay in their
home, kids could stay in their daycares and schools, and women would not have to spend time on
finding housing. The challenge to men’s temporary housing or shelters is removing the
perpetrator, and the fear of having them come back. However, if there was a place they could go

42
to either dry out, calm down, or have a place they would not have to fear incarceration, or
deportation could decrease immediate violence and have less massive impacts on the family. The
men’s shelters and transition houses could provide resources to short or long-term housing,
mediation, addiction treatment, counselling, employment centers, mental health resources, and
culturally appropriate services.
A more significant change that is needed is to turn the gaze to the perpetrator; the men.
There is little to no discourse around active men's accountability or recourse to IPV in any
meaningful way in Vancouver. Currently, there is the criminal justice system and prison
industrial complex, men’s anger management groups, 12-Step groups, and men’s faith groups.
These types of infrastructure are not enough, and at times even perpetrate more violence against
racialized communities. For example, Angela Davies argues that the prison complex industry is a
modern version of slavery (Davis, 2015). However, in March 2018, in East Vancouver, there was
a weekend conference about men's accountability to violence as a response to the growth of the
#MeToo and #HowWillIChange movements. The conference was to about men building the
infrastructure to unlearn their violent behavior, socialization and shift from outdated models of
hyper-masculinized men towards nurturing men with rich emotional lives who can support
women and children in their lives. From our discussion, the participants felt that this was a small
beginning and a potentially fundamental step in the right direction. According to the participants,
not one of their partners has ever shown accountability for the violence and the impact it had on
their family. The amount of healing that would be received for taking responsibility, instead of
the typical reaction of denial, blaming others, and minimizing the betrayal, pain, and hurt, would
be epic.

43
Another way of having men be accountable, and give racialized women more control of
their situation, is for banks to have a policy that enables transparency with common-law and
married couples. If it could be proven that there is financial abuse happening by the perpetrator,
banks should be able to give financial control over to the woman. Racialized women would be
able to have access to information to their partner’s bank accounts without their consent. This
policy already exists with a court order, however by the time it comes into play it has been
expensive, complex, and often too late.
Conclusion
My research question was “within the Vancouver housing crisis, what are the stories of
racialized women who have left intimate partner violent relationships?” FPAR and Photovoice
were used to capture their stories through creativity with their smart phone cameras and a social
justice lens. The stories participants shared were unique and at the same time, similar. As the
researcher, I would have to say the thickest narrative amongst the women was their courage to
stay connected to themselves and their community, to be accountable and present with their
children, and to continue to be vulnerable and wise. No matter what they lived through, they
remained to be resilient and disruptive to the system that denies them their rights to safe and
acceptable housing and justice.
The women stated the need for changes to policies and programs, including creating
spaces for racialized women and their children to connect and heal, accessible legal aid services
specifically for racialized women who have experienced IPV, shelters and short term housing for
men who are perpetrators of IPV, and bank accounts that give access, transparency and control to
women in IPV relationships. Lastly, to focus on hyper masculinity and men in the context of
IPV and identifying the changes they need to make and polices inforce that change outside of

44
criminalization. Through these changes, there is hope to lift the barriers that racialized women
experience when access safe and acceptable housing, which in turn influences well-being and
healing.

45

References
Adams, E. N., Clark, H. M., Galano, M. M., Stein, S. F., Grogan-Kaylor, A., & GrahamBermann, S. (2018). Predictors of Housing Instability in Women Who Have Experienced
Intimate Partner Violence. Journal of Interpersonal Violence,088626051877700.
doi:10.1177/0886260518777001
Atkey, J., Godard, L., Jackson, M., Lee, H., Rossiter, K., and Talbot, C. 2015. The Building
Supports Project Phase 1 Final Report, Housing Access for Immigrant and Refugee
Women Leaving Violence. Vancouver, BC: BC Non-Profit Housing Association.
Bailey, Ian. 2016. “High rents, low vacancy rates create ‘crisis’ for Vancouver region: study,”
Globe and Mail, Thursday, Jul. 07, 2016 Web
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/british-columbia/high-rents-low-vacancy-ratescreate-crisis-for-vancouverregion-study/article30785297/
Baker, C. K., K. A. Billhardt, J. Warren, C. Rollins, and N. E. Glass. 2010. Domestic violence,
housing instability, and homelessness: A review of housing policies and program practices
for meeting the needs of survivors. Aggression and Violent Behavior 15:430–39.
Barata, P. C. & Stewart, D. E. (2010) Searching for housing as a battered woman: Does
discrimination affect reported availability of a rental unit? Psychology of Women
Quarterly, 34(1), pp. 43–55.

46
British Columbia Committee to Elimination of Discrimination Against Women Group (BC
CEDAW) (2016). Submission to the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination
against Women on the occasion of its consideration of Canada’s combined eighth and ninth
periodic reports at its sixty-fifth session. Retrieved from
https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CEDAW/Shared%20Documents/CAN/INT_CEDAW_
IFS_CAN_25413_E.pdf
BC Poverty Reduction Coalition (2016). Cost of Poverty: Housing. Web.
http://bcpovertyreduction.ca/learnmore/cost-ofpoverty/#housing.
Breckenridge, J. & Mulroney, J. (2007) Leaving violent relationships and avoiding
homelessness—providing a choice for women and their children, New South Wales Public
Health Bulletin, 18(6), pp. 90–93. doi:10.
Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CHMA). Housing Observer 2014. April 2015.
Web. http://www. cmhcschl.gc.ca/odpub/pdf/68189. pdf?fr=1451379075805#page47.
Canada without Poverty (2010). Poverty Act Introduced in BC Legislation. Retrieved from
http://www.cwp-csp.ca/2011/06/poverty-act-introduced-in-the-bc-legislature/.
Crenshaw, K. (1989). Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist
Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics. The
University of Chicago Legal Forum, 139, 139–168.
Clough, P. T., & Fine, M. (2007). Activism and pedagogies: Feminist reflections. Women's
Studies Quarterly, 35(3/4), 255-275.
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. Recommendation 29:
Economic consequences of marriage, family relations and their dissolution. Paragraphs 45, 42. UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women. 2013. Print.

47
Culbert, L. (2010, May 08). Pickton murders: Explosive evidence the jury never heard. Retrieved
from http://www.vancouversun.com/news/Pickton murders Explosive evidence jury never
heard/3360225/story.html.
Crenshaw, K. W. (1991). Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence
against women of color. Stanford Law Review, 43(6), 1241–1299.
Community Legal Assistance Society, Oct. 2013. Hadley, Jessica and Kendra Milne. On Shaky
Ground: Fairness at the Residential Tenancy Branch. Web.
https://assets.documentcloud.org/ documents/803170/on-shaky-groundfairness-at-the-rtbclasbc-10-13.pdf.
Daoud, N., Matheson, F. I., Pedersen, C., Hamilton-Wright, S., Minh, A., Zhang, J., &
O’Campo, P. (2016). Pathways and trajectories linking housing instability and poor health
among low-income women experiencing intimate partner violence (IPV): Toward a
conceptual framework. Women & Health, 56(2), 208-225.
Davis, A. (2015, April 18). Masked Racism: Reflections on the Prison Industrial Complex.
Retrieved from https://www.colorlines.com/articles/masked-racism-reflections-prison-industrialcomplex
Desjardins, L. (2017, December 06). Massacre of 14 women in Montreal remembered. Retrieved
from http://www.rcinet.ca/en/2017/12/06/shooting-canada-murder-14-womenanniversary/.
Dillon, G., R. Hussain, D. Loxton, and S. Rahman. 2013. Mental and physical health and
intimate partner violence against women: A review of the literature. International Journal
of Family Medicine.

48
Flood, M. (2016). Involving men in ending violence against women: Facing challenges and
making change. Graduate Journal of Social Science, 12(3), 12-29.
Frisby, W., Maguire, P. & Reid, C. (2009). The 'f' word has everything to do with it: How
feminist theories inform action research. Action Research, 7(1), 13-29.
Hankivsky, O. & Christoffersen, A. (2008). Intersectionality and the determinants of health:
Canadian perspective. Critical Public Health, 18(3), 271-283.
Hardwick, L., Smith, R. S., & Worsley, A. (2016). Innovations in social work research: Using
methods creatively. London, UK: Jessica Kingsley.
Herman, J. (2009). A Developmental Approach to Complex PTSD: Childhood and ... Retrieved
from http://www.traumacenter.org/products/pdf_files/JTS_Oct_09_Cloitre_et_al.pdf
Hooks, B. (2000). Feminist theory: From margin to center (2nd ed.). New York: South End
Press.
Inquiry into missing, murdered indigenous women will strain health resources: Authors. (2017,
December 04). Retrieved from https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/britishcolumbia/inquiry-into-missing-murdered-indigenous-women-will-strain-health-resourcesauthors/article33485590/
Jategaonkar, N., & Ponic, P. (2010). Surviving Not Thriving: The Systemic Barriers to Housing
for Women Leaving Violent Relationships. Vancouver, BC: BC Non-profit Housing
Association.
Jategaonkar, N., & Ponic, P. (2011). Unsafe and Unacceptable Housing: Health & Policy
Implications for Women Leaving Violent Relationships. Women's Health & Urban Life,
10(1), 32-58.

49
Kurucz, J. (2018, February 28). East Vancouver conference focuses on male accountability.
Retrieved from https://www.vancourier.com/news/east-vancouver-conference-focuses-onmale-accountability-1.23187878
Levin, D. (2016, May 24). Dozens of Women Vanish on Canada's Highway of Tears, and Most
Cases Are Unsolved. Retrieved from
https://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/25/world/americas/canada-indigenous-womenhighway-16.html
Maguire, P. (2001). Uneven ground: Feminisms & action research. In P. Reason & H. Bradbury,
(Eds.). Handbook of Action Research: Participative Inquiry & Practice. (pp.59-69).
London: Sage Publications.
Marchetti, E. (2008). Intersectional race and gender analyses: Why legal processes just don't get
it. Social & Legal Studies, 17(2), 155-174.
McCall, L. (2005). The complexity of intersectionality. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture &
Society, 30(3), 1771-1880.
McQueeney, K. (2016). Teaching domestic violence in the new millennium: Intersectionality as
a framework for social change. Violence against women, 22(12), 1463-1475.
Ministry of Social Development and Social Innovation. (2017, December 06). Income Assistance
Rate Table. Retrieved from https://www2.gov.bc.ca/gov/content/governments/policies-forgovernment/bcea-policy-and-procedure-manual/bc-employment-and-assistance-ratetables/income-assistance-rate-table
Mohanty, C. T. (2003). “Under western eyes” revisited: Feminist solidarity through anticapitalist struggles. In C. T. Mohanty (Ed.), Feminism without borders: Decolonizing
theory, practicing solidarity (pp. 221–252). Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

50
Morris, M., & Bunjun, B. (2007). Using intersectional feminist frameworks in research. Ottawa,
ON: Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women, 1-9.
Native Women's Association of Canada (NWAC, 2008) Fact Sheet: Missing and Murdered
Aboriginal Girls. retrieved from: https://www.nwac.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2015/05/Fact_Sheet_Missing_and_Murdered_Aboriginal_Women_and_G
irls.pdf
Naidu-Ghelani, R. (2018, July 03). Housing affordability at 'crisis level' in Canada's most
expensive market, say economists | CBC News. Retrieved from
https://www.cbc.ca/news/business/housing-affordability-prices-1.4731713
O’Campo, P., Daoud, N., Hamilton-Wright, S., & Dunn, J. (2016). Conceptualizing housing
instability: Experiences with material and psychological instability among women living
with partner violence. Housing Studies, 31(1), 1-19.
Oden, M. (2013). Using Photo Voice to Teach Social Issues With Undergraduate Social Work
Students. Texas Public Health Journal, 65(4), 7-10.
Ono, E. (2013). Violence Against Racially Minoritized Women: Implications for Social
Work. Affilia: Journal of Women & Social Work, 28(4), 458-467.
Paterson, S. (2009) (Re)constructing women’s resistance to woman abuse: Resources, strategy
choice and implications of and for public policy in Canada, Critical Social Policy, 29(1),
pp. 121–145.
Pavao, J., Alvarez, J., Baumrind, N., Induni, M. & Kimerling, R. (2007) Intimate Partner
Violence and Housing Instability, American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 32(2), pp.
143–146. doi:10.1016/j.amepre.2006.10.

51
Pietsch, N. (2010). "I'm not that kind of girl": White femininity, the other, and the Legal/Social
sanctioning of sexual violence against racialized women. Canadian Woman Studies, 28(1),
136-140.
Pivot Legal Society. Homes For All. 2012. Web. http://www.pivotlegal.org/homes_for_all
Police response to Pickton's victims an 'embarrassment,' former mayor says. (2018, April 30).
Retrieved from https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/british-columbia/police-responseto-picktons-victims-an-embarrassment-former-mayor-says/article4210587/
Rollins, C., Glass, N. E., Perrin, N. A., Billhardt, K. A., Clough, A., Barnes, J., Hanson, G. C. &
Bloom, T. L. (2012) Housing instability is as strong a predictor of poor health outcomes as
level of danger in an abusive relationship: Findings from the SHARE study, Journal of
Interpersonal Violence, 27(4), pp. 623–643.
Shaw, M. (2004) Housing and Public Health, Annual Reviews of Public Health, 25(1), pp. 397–
418. doi:10.1146/annurev.publhealth.25.101802.123036.
Strier, Roni. (2007)."Anti-oppressive research in social work: A preliminary definition." British
Journal of Social Work 37.5 (2007): 857-871.
Stockman, J. K., Hayashi, H., & Campbell, J. C. (2015). Intimate Partner Violence and Its Health
Impact on Disproportionately Affected Populations, Including Minorities and
Impoverished Groups. Journal of Women's Health (15409996), 24(1), 62-79.
doi:10.1089/jwh.2014.4879
Thomas, K. A., M. Joshi, E. Wittenberg, and L. A. McCloskey. 2008. Intersections of harm and
health: A qualitative study of intimate partner violence in women’s lives. Violence Against
Women 14 (11):1252–73.

52
Thurston, W. E., Roy, A., Clow, B., Este, D., Gordey, T., Haworth-Brockman, M., & ...
Carruthers, L. (2013). Pathways Into and Out of Homelessness: Domestic Violence and
Housing Security for Immigrant Women. Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies, 11(3),
278.
UN Division for the Advancement of Women - The Secretary-General's in-depth study on all
forms of violence against women. (n.d.). Retrieved from
http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/vaw/SGstudyvaw.htm
Vancouver, C. O. (2017, November 30). Housing. Retrieved from https://vancouver.ca/peopleprograms/housing-and-homelessness.aspx
Vancouver housing sales drop as prices flat line. (2018, July 04). Retrieved from
https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/article-vancouver-housing-sales-drop-as-pricesflatline/
Vancouver Sun (2010, April 8) The Women Pickton was convicted of killing. Retrieved from
http://www.vancouversun.com/news/women+robert+pickton+convicted+killing/3360234/story.h
tml
Veterans Affairs Canada. (2014, December 02). Disability Benefits. Retrieved from
http://www.veterans.gc.ca/eng/services/after-injury/disability-benefits
Wang, C. C. (1999). Photovoice: A participatory action research strategy applied to women's
health. Journal of Women's health, 8(2), 185-192.
Wang, C., & Burris, M. A. (1997). Photovoice: Concept, methodology, and use for participatory
needs assessment. Health education & behavior, 24(3), 369-387. ```
WHO, Department of Reproductive Health and Research, London School of Hygiene and
Tropical Medicine, South African Medical Research Council. (2013). Global and regional

53
estimates of violence against women: Prevalence and health effects of intimate partner
violence and non-partner sexual violence. Geneva. Switzerland: WHO.

55

Appendix B
Recruitment Email for Potential Participants

LOOKING FOR PARTICIPANTS WHO WOULD LIKE
TO BE INVOLVED IN A RESEARCH PROJECT
ABOUT WOMEN’S HEALTH, DOMESTIC
VIOLENCE, AND HOUSING
Do you meet ALL criteria:
x A woman of colour living in Vancouver
x A woman of colour who has left an abusive relationship and out of immediate
danger, and have a safety plan.
(Emotional/psychological/financial/physical/spiritual abuse)
x Capable of providing informed consent as a legal adult
x Have identified supports in place and capable of reaching out for support if
needed.
x Able to commit to research project
x Be available to contact researcher by November 15 th, 2017
If so, you may be interested in participating in a Feminist Participatory Action Research
and Photovoice Project. Participants will be trained on how to take metaphoric
photographs of your housing situation. Your photographs and personal analyse will be
used as data to understand women’s health, intimate partner violence, and housing
issues. This qualitative research will be used to provide policy recommendations for
increasing availability of safe and acceptable housing for women leaving violent
relationships.
Participation involves a 15-minute phone interview for assessment, 1-hour face to face
session, and a 2-hour group session. $40 honorarium, light snacks, and
transportation will be provided. The sessions will be audio recorded. All involvement
and responses will be strictly confidential. Participants can discontinue from project at
any point.

56

Appendix C
Letter of Informed Consent

Addressing the Housing the Issue for Racialized Women Who Have Left
Intimate Partner Violent Relationships Letter of Informed Consent
Letter of Informed Consent
Purpose/Objectives of the Study
I am a Social Worker, and I work with women who have experienced intimate partner violence
and have my own lived experience of violence. I continuously witness the impact of violence and
lack of housing for racialized women. Housing is a core human right and a critical resource to
facilitate women’s ability to leave intimate partner violent relationships and to re-establish health
and well-being. Racialized women face barriers to accessing safe and affordable housing. For the
purposes of this project, the term racialized refers to people who are of colour, and identify as
Indigenous. Research has shown that housing is a key factor in racialized women’s ability to
leave intimate partner violent relationships and is one of the most under-provided services.
Policy and programming for racialized women leaving violence tends to be fragmented and
overly focused on short-term transition housing and support within the criminal justice system.
The purpose of this research paper is to enhance awareness around racialized women’s health
who have been in intimate violent partner relationships and to find out how you found housing
despite the barriers.
I would like to use your voice, as a racialized woman, who has left an intimate partner violent
relationship through your story to create safer long term housing options through policy in
Vancouver.
Procedures involved in the Research
1.
2.

3.
4.

I will be recruiting 5 participants from Midtown BC Employment Service Centre and
Mount Pleasant Neighbourhood House where I am familiar with the space, clients
and service workers, and other on-line websites such as Facebook and Craigslist.
When I am contacted by potential participants I will screen that they meet all the
required criteria. I will ask them what their current living situation is, and what
support network they have in their lives. I will also ask what their plan would be if
their situation changed and they felt they were at risk of violence. In this initial
contact, I would also go over consent, and aspects of the study. The initial screening
will be over the phone, or in-person and shall take up to 30 minutes per person.
Childcare will be provided if there is a need during sessions.
Our first meeting as group will be a 2-hour session focus group to discuss:
x Ethical protocols and safety procedures.

57
x

x

x
x
x

Review informed consent procedures, collect demographic and background
information, and discuss how personal smart phones will be used in a secure
manner.
Researcher will discuss the formulation of a formal consent which can be
renewed at different points of research process. For example, after the first
focus group, while photos are being taken, after second meeting, and after
report is finalized.
Researcher will continuously check in and remind participants to use their
support network, case workers, researcher, and each other for emotional
support throughout project.
Discussion of participant retaining ownership and control of her own data and
explicitly agrees to release to researcher for purpose of study.
Training with photographer to discuss the process of taking photos as data
and relevant legal restrictions, and creating art for research.
o This training will discuss that the participants will be taking
metaphorical photographs. Metaphorical photography is a visual
presentation verse verbal or literal. More importantly, the
photographs’ will not be able to connect or make the participant
identifiable.
o The goal of the photograph is to capture the feeling that they want to
portray of their housing situation. For example, a photograph of mold
in a bedroom, or a flower growing out a of crack of cement.

x

5.

The photographs taken from participants personal smart phones, will be sent
electronically to Researcher’s confidential e-mail. If participant is using a
disposable camera, the Researcher will develop photos on to CD. Researcher
will discuss the importance of confidentiality and potential risks of exposure
of the photographs, but it is up to the participants who own them to do what
they wish with them.
x Researcher will be explicit about use of photographs that may be used on-line,
for presentations and academic purposes. Researcher’s supervisor will have
access to photographs.
x Researcher will explain what will happen with photographs and how they will
be used as data by asking participants open ended questions like how and why
they took the photo.
Our second meeting as group will be a 2-hour session focus group to discuss:
x
x

It will be audio recorded and transcribed with the narratives of the participants.
The session will be up to two hours. Both sessions will be located at the Midtown
Employment Service Centre.
Researcher and participants will also discuss what policy changes need to happen,
and what information needs to put forward to benefit the circumstances for
racialized women who have experienced intimate partner violence and have had
to find housing.

58
6.
7.

8.

From the narratives of the photographs (data), the researcher will identify the themes
and code the data of barriers and resilience of finding housing, their mental wellbeing or illness during that time.
I will email a first draft of themes, and policy recommendations to all participants for
feedback, critique and amendments. Participants can either email or phone researcher
back with their responses. Researcher will make the changes and resend to
participants for approval.
Once data is finalized I will make a final report.

Potential Benefits
The proposed research will benefit the participants by enhancing their own inclusion of the
process of bettering their living situation by identifying key barriers to unacceptable and unsafe
housing and making policy recommendations. The process of the research project will allow the
participants to connect with one another and potentially lessen issues of isolation. Furthermore,
when people have access to safe and acceptable housing, there is more opportunity for more
meaningful life styles, which include employment, and participating in community. earch project
will allow the participants to connect with one another and potentially lessen issues of isolation.
Furthermore, when people have access to safe and acceptable housing, there is more opportunity
for more meaningful life styles, which include employment, and participating in community. The
proposed research will benefit the participants by enhancing their own inclusion of the process of
bettering their living situation by identifying key barriers to unacceptable and unsafe housing and
making policy recommendations. The process of the res
Potential Harms, Risks or Discomforts to Participants
There is potential for emotional discomfort. The data collected is coded, and photo’s will be
metaphorical, however there is the small potential risk of being identified. This research project
is based on a previous study which will be applying the exact same safety measures to minimize
potential harms, risks or discomforts to participants.
Confidentiality
The audio recordings will be transcribed by myself after the interview and will be stored on a
secure computer to ensure that it remains confidential. Once the recording has been transcribed it
will be deleted. The transcriptions stored on the computer will be saved until April 2018, after
April 2018 this data will be deleted with the consent of participants. Copies of photos will be
given to participants. Researcher’s photograph copies will be saved until April 2018, and
destroyed after this date.
Any identifying information that you provide during the interview will not be included in the
study so that your privacy is respected. Pseudonyms will be used in the transcription and the
results of the study to protect your identity. Anything you say in the sessions will not be shared

59
with anyone else without your permission. If at any point you disclose that you are considering
harming yourself or others, or that you have abused or neglected a child, I will be required to
report this information for the safety of yourself and others.

Participation
Participation in this study is voluntary and you may withdraw your consent to the study at any
time without consequences. In cases of withdrawal any information that you have provided will
be destroyed unless you indicate that you would still like your information to be included in the
study.
Please note that you can refuse to answer some questions in the interview and remain a part of
the study.
Study Results
The results of this study will be published in the University of the Fraser Valley’s library. Study
results may also be presented at the University of the Fraser Valley, on the internet, in the
community, and at professional conferences. This study may also be published and submitted for
publication in academic journals with participant consent. Your anonymity will be guaranteed
under any of the above circumstances.
If you wish to see the results of the study please contact Michelle Wing

or

Questions
CONTACT FOR INFORMATION ABOUT THE STUDY
If you have any questions about the study please contact Michelle Wing

, or

The ethics of this research project have been reviewed and approved by the UFV Human
Research Ethics Board.
CONTACT FOR CONCERNS

60
“If you have any concerns regarding your rights or welfare as a participant in this research
study, please contact the Ethics Officer at 604-557-4011 or Research.Ethics@ufv.ca.

Consent Form
By signing below, I agree to participate in this study, titled Addressing the Housing the Issue for
Racialized Women Who Have Left Intimate Partner Violent Relationships Letter of Informed
Consent.
I have read the information presented in the letter of informed consent being conducted by
Michelle Wing and the Social Work Department at the University of the Fraser Valley. I have
had the opportunity to ask questions about my involvement in this study and to receive any
additional details.
I understand that I have the right to withdraw from the study at any time and that confidentiality
and/or anonymity of all results will be preserved. If I have any questions about the study, I
should contact Glen Paddock, Glen.Paddock@ufv.ca.
I understand that the sessions will be audio recorded and transcribed. The sessions are in a group
and your voice will not be able to be deleted from group recording if you do not agree.
I agree to be audio taped during the sessions.
Name (please print) ____________________________________________________________
Signature ____________________________________________________________________
Date ________________________________________________________________________
Once signed, you will receive a copy of this consent form.

61