AN EXAMINATION OF THE RCMP AUXILIARY PROGRAM IN BRITISH COLUMBIA: THROUGH THE LENS OF AUXILIARY CONSTABLES by Brian Foote Bachelor of General Studies in Police Leadership A MAJOR PAPER SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE In the School of Criminology and Criminal Justice Brian Foote 2010 UNIVERSITY OF THE FRASER VALLEY Winter 2010 ©All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to the University of the Fraser Valley the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the University of the Fraser Valley Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. 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The original Partial Copyright Licence attesting to these terms, and signed by this author, may be found in the original bound copy of this work, retained by the University of the Fraser Valley Heritage Collection. University of the Fraser Valley Abbotsford, B.C. Approval Name: Brian Arthur Foote Degree: Master of Arts (Criminal Justice) Title of Thesis: An examination of the RCMP auxiliary program in British Columbia: Through the lens of auxiliary constables Examining Committee: Chair: _________________________________________ Martin Silverstein, Ph.D. _________________________________________ Darryl Plecas, Ed. D. Senior Supervisor _________________________________________ Irwin Cohen, Ph.D. Supervisor _________________________________________ Name External Examiner Date Defended/Approved: __________________________________________ ii Abstract This paper reports on the results of a survey of RCMP auxiliary constables in British Columbia. The purpose of the survey was to obtain a candid and instructive view of the work auxiliaries performed within the province and how RCMP auxiliary constables perceived their work. The aim of the survey was to provide information to assist the RCMP in better understanding how the auxiliary program might be improved. The results of the survey suggested that auxiliary constables were a diverse, well educated, and committed group of individuals who contributed far more than is expected of them. The results also indicated that while there was a very high level of satisfaction among auxiliaries for most aspects of the program, there were a few issues that a significant number of auxiliaries expressed dissatisfaction with. These issues, namely the auxiliary constable uniform and the extent to which they were respected and accepted by full-time officers, are the same issues identified in earlier studies of auxiliary constables. Based on the findings of the survey, this major paper offers suggestions on what the RCMP might do to improve the auxiliary program. iii Acknowledgements I wish to thank several people who have provided on-going encouragement and support to help me complete this study. I am very appreciative to have had the opportunity to complete this study under the supervision and guidance of Dr. Darryl Plecas. His desire to see people advance their educational dreams was both encouraging and enriching. Dr. Plecas’ understanding of the police culture and his appreciation for research made this study an enjoyable and relevant experience. Thank you for your loyalty. I would also like to thank Dr. Irwin Cohen for his support and encouragement. His teaching prowess helped to make the educational experience much more enjoyable. His expertise in research and keen eye for detail allowed me to articulate this study in a more comprehensive manner. I would like to acknowledge the assistance I received from the RCMP. Thank you to the staff at E Division who provided me with the contact information for the auxiliary constables. I would also like to thank each auxiliary constable who took the time to participate in this study. Thank you for your service. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the love and support I have received from my family and friends. My children Julie, Colleen, Ian, and their families encouraged me, loved me, and allowed me the space necessary to complete this study. My friends also offered encouragement, practical help, and understanding for which I am grateful. Without the support from my family and friends, the road to completion would have been long and discouraging. Thank you for being there for me and helping to make this day a reality. iv Table of Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1: The RCMP Auxiliary Program in Perspective ............................................3 Europe ............................................................................................................3 Hong Kong .........................................................................................................4 Britain ............................................................................................................5 New Zealand ......................................................................................................6 United States .....................................................................................................6 The RCMP Auxiliary Program ............................................................................8 Changing Roles and Responsibilities .................................................................9 1. The Role of Auxiliary Constables ...................................................12 2. Liability and Risk Management ......................................................12 3. Public Accountability ......................................................................12 4. Program Governance ....................................................................13 5. Financial ........................................................................................13 6. Training and Certification ...............................................................14 The Emergence of Community Policing ...........................................................15 Current RCMP Auxiliary Constable Program in British Columbia ....................16 Chapter 2: Human Resource Trends and the Volunteer Sector .................................18 Volunteerism ....................................................................................................18 Motivational Factors Influencing Auxiliary Volunteerism ..................................19 Social Exchange Theory ..................................................................................21 Barriers to Satisfaction among Auxiliary Volunteers ........................................23 Addressing Labour Shortfalls ...........................................................................25 Chapter 3: Methodology..................................................................................................28 Chapter 4: Research Findings ........................................................................................30 Sample Characteristics ....................................................................................30 Reasons for Joining .........................................................................................32 Contribution of Time .........................................................................................32 Duties Performed .............................................................................................33 Levels of Satisfaction with the Program ...........................................................36 Continued Commitment to the Program ...........................................................39 Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusion ..........................................................................41 Appendix A: Survey .........................................................................................................52 Appendix B: Occupations Held by Respondents ..........................................................60 v List of Tables Table 1: Representativeness of Returned Questionnaires by RCMP District ......30 Table 2: Proportion of Time Spent on Duties Performed by Auxiliaries ...............34 Table 3: Levels of Satisfaction among Auxiliaries with Various Aspects of the Program ...............................................................................................37 Table 4: Levels of Satisfaction among Auxiliaries with their Training ..................37 Table 5: Opinion of Auxiliary Constables of the Program by Average Length of Service* ................................................................................................39 Table 6: Opinion of Auxiliary Constables of the Program by Hours Worked in 2008 .....................................................................................................39 Table 7: Estimated Commitment of Auxiliaries to Remain in the Program ..........40 List of Figures Figure 1: Percentage of Auxiliaries Working in Excess of 160 Hours per Year 2007 and 2008 .....................................................................................33 Figure 2: Duties Performed by Auxiliaries by Gender .........................................35 vi Introduction Auxiliary constables offer a reservoir of skills and abilities to support modern day policing. They are uniformed police volunteers who work in conjunction with full time police officers in communities. The use of volunteers as auxiliary/reserve constables occurs in many countries around the world. Their earliest roots can be traced to Britain in 1285, when volunteers, known as community constables, were used to alert their fellow citizens regarding a stranger in their midst (Griffiths, Bent, & Whitelaw, 2001). They were responsible for sounding the alarm by calling out the “hue and cry” of ‘halt who goes there’ (Griffiths et al., 2001, p. 4). The intruder was then responsible to state their intentions or face the punishment for failing to do so (Griffiths et al., 2001). As society progressed, the use of volunteers in policing shifted from an informal role to more of a formalized responsibility between the police and the communities they served. Since 1963, auxiliary members have been an integral resource to support the mandate of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) (Krayenhoff, 1992). The earliest indication of their involvement dates back to 1919, when retired police officers were enlisted to assist the police. During the cold war era, auxiliary programs were re-established to provide emergency response due to the threat from nuclear attack. As those threats faded, the role of an auxiliary constable shifted toward day to day work in support of their local police. The evolving role of auxiliary constables led to tensions due to the gradual blurring of the lines between their duties and those of full time officers (Krayenhoff, 1992). The literature regarding the auxiliary program is limited in scope and volume, and is somewhat dated. What literature exists draws mainly on the auxiliary program from the perspective of RCMP managers and program coordinators, while lacking the voice of auxiliary 1 constables. As a result, there is a gap in the literature to provide an understanding of the auxiliary program from the perspective of the volunteer. This major paper examines the perceptions, experiences, and demographics of auxiliary constables in British Columbia. Following a literature review that provides an international comparison of auxiliary/reserve programs, tracks the program’s history, and identifies common challenges affecting the volunteer sector, results of an auxiliary constable survey conducted for this major paper will be presented. Implications for applying these results to the RCMP’s auxiliary program, such as recruiting practices, service delivery, and enhancing the experiences of RCMP auxiliary constables within British Columbia, will be discussed. 2 Chapter 1: The RCMP Auxiliary Program in Perspective There are similarities among auxiliary/reserve programs internationally. The United States, New Zealand, Britain, and Canada’s auxiliary/reserve programs were predominately formed under the Civil Defence Act or some other political legislation that addressed manpower shortages or financial restraints within policing (Gill and Mawby, 1990). In addition, these programs are characterized by their use of volunteers and program mandates that fall in line with local policing policies (Gill and Mawby, 1990). At the same time, there are differences across auxiliary programs internationally, primarily as it relates to the nature of their work. For example, West Berlin’s auxiliary/reserve officers have adopted a security guard function, while Asian programs align their volunteer constables with regular officers to the extent that they carry side arms and conduct operational patrols (Gill and Mawby, 1990). Certain countries differ in referring to their police volunteers by the term auxiliary, reserve, or special constable. Furthermore, in some countries, volunteer constables receive monetary compensation (Gill and Mawby, 1990). Regardless of their similarities or differences, auxiliary/reserve programs are seen to form an integral part of the police service delivery to communities. In order to learn how police work with volunteers in other areas, the following countries were selected based on the availability of information and policing practices that follow similar policies for working with volunteers in communities. The remainder of this chapter will provide an overview of some of the auxiliary/reserve programs internationally and in Canada. Europe West Berlin’s auxiliary volunteers (Freiwillige Polizen Reserve) were established in 1961 in response to the foreign policies of the Soviet Union (Gill and Mawby, 1990). Initially formed 3 to defend the workplace, their duties changed with the threat of Soviet intervention and the building of the Berlin Wall. They became guardians of the Berlin Wall and other key government installations, such as gas stations, power stations, public administration buildings, warehouses, and oil depots (Gill and Mawby, 1990). Auxiliaries also augmented the regular police service for large proceedings, such as state visits or world sporting events (Gill and Mawby, 1990). West Germany’s national program was established in 1963 (Gill and Mawby, 1990). The Minister of the Interior believed that police volunteers would be beneficial by reducing the costs associated with paying overtime hours to full time officers. Volunteer constables assisted with duties that included guarding sensitive government installations, general patrol, traffic control, and communication. In some cases, they were trained as specialists. Although considered volunteer, these constables received remuneration based on the number of hours they worked. Other countries, such as France and Iceland, have not engaged the services of auxiliary constables within their police organizations (Gill and Mawby, 1990). France has a dual policing system consisting of police and military personnel, negating the need for volunteers, while Iceland employs and trains teachers and students to assist with their policing shortages during the summer months rather than utilizing volunteers (Gill and Mawby, 1990). Hong Kong Hong Kong has used auxiliary constables since the first half of the nineteenth century (Gill and Mawby, 1990). Interestingly, their volunteers have the same police powers as full time officers and they are expected to engage in policing duties similar to that of regular officers. Although Hong Kong considers their program participants to be ‘volunteers’, auxiliary 4 constables do receive a salary equivalent to that of a regular officer, making their program expensive to operate (Gill and Mawby, 1990). Britain Referring to their police volunteer group as special constables, Britain’s program is one of the oldest in the world, with roots tracing back to 1285 under the proclamation of the Statute of Winchester (Kean and Associates, 1998). This Statute blended an ideology of policing based on Norman tradition that believed neighbourhoods should be responsible for public safety, and Roman tradition that argued the State should be responsible for public safety (Kean and Associates, 1998). During the 1700-1800’s, volunteers helped establish the formalization of policing structures until, in 1820, special constables were appointed to deal with public disorder and other emergency situations. During World War I (WWI), special constables guarded important government installations and enforced the blackout regulations. The special constable program grew to such a degree that there were enough volunteers to provide full time police service during a country-wide strike in 1919. By the beginning of World War II (WWII), there were approximately 130,000 special constables in Britain (Kean and Associates, 1998). In 1949, Britain’s Home Office formed a Committee to review the specific role of special constables. The Committee recommended that special constables no longer be utilized as replacements for full time officers because their role in this regard was confusing for the general public. The Committee also believed that there were sufficient full time officers to maintain law and order within the country (Kean and Associates, 1998). Beyond that, the Committee established minimal entry requirements for the program. These included age restrictions, implementing a rank structure, providing better training, and articulating clearer volunteer program policies (Gill and Mawby, 1990). These changes affected the program to the degree that 5 membership dropped significantly. To stem the loss of volunteers, the Home Office allowed women to join the special constable ranks in 1949 (Gill and Mawby, 1990). New Zealand New Zealand’s volunteer program was initially developed in the early 1960’s under the Civil Defence Act (Gill and Mawby, 1990). Although the Civil Defence volunteers worked closely with the police and participated in some related training exercises, their responsibilities remained separate. Unlike other programs formed under similar mandates, New Zealand has not integrated their volunteers into policing roles (Gill and Mawby, 1990). United States United States also has a long history of using volunteers in policing. According to Gill and Mawby (1990), daytime constables, night watchmen, and males over 18 years of age and with power to arrest established the early concepts of law enforcement. New York City’s police department was formed in 1845 and is considered the first professional police service in the United States. Their auxiliary program has roots tracing back to WWI, where police Commissioner Arthur Woods formed a force of 25,000 volunteers. Calling themselves “The Citizens of Home Defence League”, citizens patrolled the streets in search of health violations following a polio epidemic (Gill and Mawby, 1990). Suffering from a lack of membership and purpose between WWI and WWII, the members of the league dissipated until they reorganized in the 1940’s under the City Patrol Corps. The renewed mandate was to protect the homeland during the war years. In 1950, the government enacted the State Defence Emergency Act authorizing volunteers to assist in the event of a nuclear attack. In 1967, the Civil Defence Act 6 was abolished and the patrol corps was formally integrated into the New York City police service (Gill and Mawby, 1990). Washington DC established the Metropolitan Police Department Reserve Corps in 1950 from the Civil Defence Act legislation (Gill and Mawby, 1990). Initially, volunteers were recruited to watch public fire alarm boxes to prevent false alarms. Over time, they increased their capacity by conducting business patrols. In addition, purchasing their own uniforms increased their visibility in the community. In 1961, President Kennedy formally integrated the Reserve Corps into the Washington Police Service (Gill and Mawby, 1990). The Los Angeles Reserve Corps in California also has its roots in the WWII era. Los Angeles’s city council enacted an ordinance in 1947 to formally establish the Los Angeles Police Reserve Corps (Los Angeles Police Department, 2004). Currently, their program has three levels of participation among reserve officers. Level I reservists (the highest attainable level) are armed sworn peace officers who work primarily in a patrol type setting. They receive 795 hours of academy training followed by one year of field training with an experienced officer (Los Angeles Police Department, 2004). By comparison, full time police officers receive 1,064 hours of academy training. In order to maintain their skills, Level I reserve officers are expected to volunteer a minimum of 32 hours over a 60 day working cycle. Although they work predominantly in a patrol setting, either independently or with another officer, their enhanced training provides opportunities for deployment into specialized sections at the discretion of the Police Chief (Los Angeles Police Department, 2004). Level II reserve officers complete 455 hours of academy training, wear a uniform including a side arm, and are assigned duties that require direct supervision of an accompanying full time officer (Los Angeles Police Department, 2004). Level III reserve officers receive 205 7 hours of formalized instruction, wear a uniform, remain unarmed, and have police powers only when on duty. They are generally assigned to desk or other non-tactical duties within the police service. Although all three levels of reservists are considered to be volunteers, they receive a small remuneration for their work (Los Angeles Police Department, 2004). While many reserve/auxiliary programs in the United States were initially established because of a political necessity, such as the Civil Defence Act legislation, other programs have their roots in community necessity. For example, in Illinois, a rural community felt that the full time police service was too far away to respond in a timely manner, so a reserve program was established to address this situation (Gill and Mawby, 1990). Due to an increase in police officer retirements, the Arizona Highway Patrol Reserve was established in 1956 to assist with patrols to reduce impaired driving (Gill and Mawby, 1990). The RCMP Auxiliary Program Similar to international programs, many of Canada’s auxiliary/reserve units have become an integral part of police services. The current Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) auxiliary program was formalized in the early 1960’s under the Civil Defence Act, in conjunction with federal and provincial governments (Anthony, 1981). The RCMP utilized auxiliaries as far back as 1919 when the program drew from retired veteran police officers with a mandate to assist communities in emergency situations. However, two decades later, the program disappeared as need declined (Krayenhoff, 1992). At the beginning of the Cold War (late 1950’s and early 1960’s), the federal government grew concerned about threats from nuclear attack or other forms of civil disasters and worked in conjunction with provincial governments, under the Civil Defence Act, to create a cost-sharing volunteer auxiliary/reserve program (Anthony, 1981). 8 Community volunteers were independently trained to work with their local police service and, rather than reporting to the military, they answered to civic authorities (Anthony, 1981). Under the provisions of the Emergency Program Act and the Police Act, volunteers were appointed and sworn as special municipal or provincial constables. These two pieces of provincial legislation gave auxiliary constables peace officer status, holding the same powers as a regular full time officer, except in the execution of a civil process (Anthony, 1981). The initial auxiliary training for emergency response included the operation of small firearms, traffic direction, crowd control, and radiation detection and evacuation skills aimed at protecting property (Kean and Associates, 1998). As a result of this training, auxiliaries were often called upon to assist police with small emergencies or other duties, such as Halloween patrols or community events (Krayenhoff, 1992). In 1962, the threat of a nuclear attack was in decline, while a growing need for police assistance within communities became apparent; therefore, the RCMP formalized their relationship with the auxiliary civic defence volunteers. This new working agreement fell under the direction of the RCMP nationally, the provincial government, and the detachment at the community level (Krayenhoff, 1992). Changing Roles and Responsibilities Beginning in the late l960’s, the scope of duties for auxiliary constables was tied to the need for more police officers. Information describing those early years was documented by Richard Anthony (1981). He maintained that the auxiliary program was considered to be a viable option given the manpower shortages of the day that resulted from changes in law enforcement tactics, escalating crime rates, and the need for two man police cars. As a result, auxiliary constables in British Columbia began to assume many of the duties that mirrored the work of full time RCMP officers. 9 The blurring of boundaries between the roles and authority granted to full time constables and auxiliary constables became an increasing concern (Krayenhoff, 1992). Auxiliary constables were operating breathalysers, radar equipment, responding to domestic violence, assisting with surveillance operations, and other criminal investigations, in addition to providing crime prevention programming (Krayenhoff, 1992). To gain clarification regarding their mandate, and to address concerns about liability, RCMP headquarters in Ottawa placed a moratorium on the auxiliary program (Anthony, 1981). RCMP Commissioner R.H. Simmonds wrote a letter to British Columbia Attorney General, Allan Williams, stating: In April 1980, I placed a moratorium on the recruiting of Auxiliary Police. I felt this was necessary to give us a chance to examine the program in depth and clearly define the role of the auxiliary. The area of concern centers around the liability issue. Is the Federal or Provincial Crown liable for tortuous acts committed by an auxiliary? Similarly, is the Federal or Provincial Crown liable for any injury suffered by an auxiliary in the line of duty (Anthony, 1981, p. 1, Appendix C). According to Anthony (1981), Commissioner Simmonds implemented policy stating that auxiliary constables were to assist the police in handling local emergencies and provide traffic and crowd control while working alongside a full time officer. In addition, auxiliary constables were not permitted to drive police vehicles except in emergencies or to use firearms. In order to remain distinct from a regular officer, their uniform was to remain distinct. This role clarification was based on a premise that anything beyond the above duties and responsibilities exposed the auxiliaries and the RCMP to “situations of liability for which he is not trained, and exposes the public to a person we are holding out to them as a responsible peace officer” (Anthony, 1981, p. 2, Appendix C). Along with the clarification of roles came a new working partnership between the RCMP and the provincial Attorney Generals (Krayenhoff, 1992). The provinces appointed provincial coordinators with responsibilities related to funding, training, and standardization of the program 10 (Kean and Associates, 1998). The provincial coordinators were also authorized to implement a moratorium in the event that members of this volunteer program were used to replace full time officers (Krayenhoff, 1992). Despite efforts made by Commissioner Simmonds to reform the duties of auxiliary constables, their role function remained largely unchanged (Krayenhoff, 1992). Auxiliary constables continued to perform similar duties to those of a full time police officer. In fact, an extension of their duties began to mirror full time police officers, culminating in the mid 1980’s, when they were mandated by British Columbia’s Attorney General to carry a police issued firearm during the course of their duties (Kean and Associates, 1998). Once again, issues of liability were raised regarding their capacity to make sound decisions involving the potential use of deadly force. Despite resistance from auxiliary constables who argued that their firearms qualifications were equal to regular officer’s training (Kean and Associates, 1998), the RCMP and the B.C. Attorney General implemented another moratorium in 1998 and established the Auxiliary/Reserve Constable Program Review Steering Committee (Review Committee) (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). The Review Committee consisted of a diverse group that included representation from the Union of British Columbia Municipalities (UBCM), Mayors and Councils, police chiefs, RCMP detachment commanders, auxiliary/reserve officers, full time police officers, and other interested members of the public (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). The Review Committee identified six administrative areas to address that included: (1) the role of the auxiliary/reserve constable; (2) liability and risk management; (3) public accountability; (4) program governance; (5) financial; and (6) recruitment, training, re-training, and certification (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). In order to consider the current 11 context of the auxiliary program for the purpose of this major paper, it is helpful to consider the six areas identified in more detail. 1. The Role of Auxiliary Constables The principal concern of the Review Committee regarding the program was the confusion between the perceived and actual role of auxiliary constables. Their duty progression from civic defence responsibilities toward becoming an armed volunteer constable was viewed as being confusing and misleading to the public. The public came to believe that auxiliary constables were akin to full time police officers. This was of concern not only to the public, but also to government, police unions, associations, and other professional police organizations (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). 2. Liability and Risk Management The Review Committee determined that auxiliary constables received substantially less training than full time officers. Their limited training was viewed as a liability risk for auxiliary constables who were not covered under work compensation, for the RCMP with respect to potential criminal and civil litigation, and for full time officers who relied on auxiliaries for their work (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). 3. Public Accountability The Review Committee found that an appropriate public accountability process was lacking. While complaints against full time police officers are dealt through the British Columbia Public Complaints Commission, this same course of action was inappropriate for auxiliary constables because certain provisions within the Public Complaints process outlined in the Police Act could not be applied to volunteers (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). The 12 beliefs of the Review Committee were that “[a]uxiliary and reserve constables [were] peace officers ...[and]... not police officers. They are citizen volunteers who assist the police and, in so doing, assume an office of public trust. A high standard of public accountability is required” (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998, p. 13). It was felt that the Ministry of Attorney General and RCMP managers could jointly develop a code of conduct and public accountability process (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). 4. Program Governance The Review Committee saw a need for better collaboration between government and police organizations regarding program governance. It was necessary to establish regulations and guidelines in line with the Police Act to ensure the program developed in a more regulated, cohesive, and consultative manner (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). A tighter regulatory process would also ensure that any future changes were bound by a governing legislation (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). 5. Financial The Review Committee emphasized the importance of providing adequate funding for auxiliary programs. Monies received from the province, municipalities, or local police agencies were to be directly applied to the operation of the program (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). Concerns regarding financial compensation to auxiliaries were also discussed, since payments could alter their status from volunteer to employee (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). 13 6. Training and Certification It was determined that the level of training for auxiliary constables was less than the training provided for full time police officers. While auxiliary constables received 140 hours of training (Royal Canadian Mounted Police, 2004), as well as firearm instruction, the training to support discernment skills regarding the deployment of the weapon was lacking. By comparison, full time recruits received approximately six months of rigorous training, including decision-making instruction in the deployment of a firearm (Kean and Associates, 1998). Due to the need for discernment skills for safe firearm deployment, the Review Committee upheld the moratorium against auxiliaries carrying guns despite resistance from auxiliary constables (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). The six concerns identified by the Review Committee led to two options for refocusing the auxiliary/reserve constable program at a time when community policing was becoming a method of service delivery for police organizations across North America. The first option for refocusing the program included limiting auxiliaries on their operational work and emphasizing community policing/crime prevention activities, while ensuring they remained unarmed. The second option was similar, but included the possibility of implementing a tiered system that allowed, but did not require, the arming of certain auxiliary constables (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). The recommended changes were intended to have RCMP auxiliaries spend 70% of their time involved with community policing/crime prevention and 30% in operational patrols (Royal Canadian Mounted Police, 2004). This represented a significant shift from their former 100% allocation of duties being spent in reactive police work. The emerging emphasis on community policing provided another reason for re-aligning the role of auxiliary constables to a community policing/problem solving model, which necessitated a 14 movement away from the dominant operational reactive call driven model of service delivery (Curran & Renzetti, 2001). The Emergence of Community Policing In the early 1990’s, the RCMP adopted a community policing/problem solving model of policing (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). The change re-focused the police toward the development of partnerships within communities to address problems of crime and social disorder (Griffiths, Parent, & Whitlelaw, 2001). The community-focused problem solving approach launched a barrage of new volunteers into recently established crime prevention programming (Griffiths, Parent, & Whitlelaw, 2001). These programs can include Citizen Patrol, Speed Watch, and Block/Neighbourhood Watch. While the community policing focus was gaining momentum throughout North America, auxiliary constables continued to insist on conducting patrols as armed police officers, running counter to the community policing/problem solving philosophy (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). The Auxiliary/Reserve Peace Officers’ Association of British Columbia (ARPOA) documented their displeasure with the decision of the Review Committee by stating that the role of the auxiliary constable had gone from a “highly trained para-professional police officer whose purpose was to assist regular police officers in the performance of their everyday duties ... to that of a low trained community volunteer whose primary duty was to assist in the delivery of community police activities” (ARPOA, 2005, p. 1). The decision to remove firearms and restrict duties in operational police work drew political attention once again. Not only had participation rates dropped from 1,100 auxiliary volunteers in 1997 to 417 in 2000 (ARPOA, 2005), concerns were raised by the provincial parliamentary opposition party regarding the lack of available auxiliary personnel in the event of 15 an emergency (Penner, 2001 as cited in ARPOA, 2005). Justice Wallace Oppal reinforced the notion that the auxiliary program was best suited for an integrated management philosophy found in community policing principles. He stated that “these people need to be appropriately utilized without incurring substantial liabilities to them[selves], their communities, police agencies, [and] the Province” (Kean and Associates, 1998, p. xix). The unrest regarding the program was triggered in reaction to the determination that auxiliary constables were not full time police officers and that their mandate was best served in their ability to provide “value added” policing services within the broader context of community policing (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998, p. 5). Current RCMP Auxiliary Constable Program in British Columbia Auxiliary and reserve programs are both governed by the BC Police Act and the BC Auxiliary/Reserve Constable Provincial Policy through the Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 2007). Although similar in function and linked through provincial legislation, the programs are distinct as reserve constables are governed through municipal police departments and auxiliary constables are governed by the policies of the RCMP (Krayenhoff, 1992). The purpose of the auxiliary constable program is to “... strengthen community and police partnerships by providing an opportunity for citizen volunteers to perform authorized activities in support of strategies to address causes or reduce the fear of crime and disorder” (Royal Canadian Mounted Police, 2004, p. 2). Citizens desiring to join the program must be Canadian (or a permanent resident), 19 years of age or older, hold a valid driver’s licence, and have completed a grade 12 certificate (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 2007). Auxiliary applicants are also required to pass a physical fitness test, medical exam, background check, and a security screening interview. 16 Upon acceptance, volunteers receive approximately 140 hours of training before being granted provincial auxiliary status (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 2007). As a visual marker of their redefined role within policing, auxiliaries must wear a uniform that clearly identifies them as auxiliary police constables. The distinctive uniform is to ensure that there is no confusion for the public between auxiliary constables and full time officers. Auxiliary constables are authorized to carry pepper spray and an asp baton after having received proper training (Royal Canadian Mounted Police, 2004). A concern over the removal of their service revolver and the re-alignment of duties continues to be problematic for some auxiliary constables (ARPOA, 2005). In summary, as policing has changed over the years, so has the input and expectations of the auxiliary program. Adopted from Civil Defence protection roots or some other community need, auxiliary programs have grown to become an integral part of the policing fabric. Although international auxiliary programs are somewhat diverse from programs in Canada, they do have the common thread of volunteers supporting their local police and community. The decisions by the Review Committee, and the adoption of a community policing philosophy in the 1990’s, has influenced the auxiliary program. While strengthening the program from an administrative perspective, the implementation of a community policing mandate appears to have been met with some resistance, which is still evident among some auxiliary constables. Presently, there is a clear administrative and operational mandate that provides opportunity for the program to grow in membership and service. The desire to engage volunteers into auxiliary programming has not only provided an extension of police services, but it has also introduced new challenges involving the management of this volunteer work force. 17 Chapter 2: Human Resource Trends and the Volunteer Sector One of the most significant factors facing organizations today is the competition for human labour (Conference Board of Canada, 2007). The Conference Board of Canada has stated that “the war for talent is fierce and is likely to become more so with the massive number of employees retiring within the next five years” (p. 2). To address labour shortages, businesses and communities are taking steps to increase the use, management, and development of volunteers (Conference Board of Canada, 2007). Volunteerism The roots of volunteerism are linked to religious institutions, community sporting groups, and non-profit organizations (Leeman, 2006). Since the mid 1970’s, the volunteer sector has expanded, having infiltrated all sectors of society, including government, business, and private enterprise (Leeman, 2006). The increased dependence on volunteers has prompted organizations to study the motivational factors for retaining their volunteer work force. Volunteers are motivated for a variety of reasons; the desire to help others, a sense of obligation, career advancement, and social interaction (Reimer, Dorsch, & Hoeber, 2004). More specifically, Houle, Sagarin, and Kaplan (2005) suggested that volunteer motivation could be categorized into six functions: values (service to others); understanding (opportunity to learn and practice new things); career (increase employment prospects); social (pressures from external sources); protective (volunteering out of guilt or to escape one’s own problems); and esteem (volunteering to enhance one’s self esteem). People are also motivated to volunteer because their parents or others they respect do so, and through a belief that they can influence social change in 18 a positive manner (Ancans, 1992). In general, research suggested that volunteers are more eager to become involved, have higher educational levels, are younger in age, and are more established in life (Corrigan, 2001). Volunteers tended to view themselves as risk takers, corporate managers, or social change activists, rather than ‘do- gooders’ or ‘charity workers’ (Leeman, 2006, p. 2). Within the policing sector, volunteers were viewed as an untapped resource that came to the forefront during the community policing years (Clarke, 2002). One of the defining characteristics under the community policing model to address community crime concerns was the incorporation of volunteers working with trained police officers (Thurman, 1995). While many police auxiliary/reserve programs were established well before the community policing era, limited research has been conducted on these programs (Arwood, Hilal, Karsky, & Norman, 2003; Berg and Doerner, 1988). Furthermore, only a limited amount of documentation exists in relation to the specific motivational and organizational factors regarding volunteers in the auxiliary/reserve programs (Berg and Doerner, 1988). Motivational Factors Influencing Auxiliary Volunteerism During the late 1980’s to early 1990’s, police administrators were confronted with growing demands for service delivery, diminishing budgets, and greater responsibility to address community crime (Clarke, 2002). To support rank-and-file officers and to deal with dwindling resources, police organizations augmented the shortages by turning to the volunteer sector for help (Greenberg, 1979). As police agencies continued to develop their volunteer resources, two specific types of volunteers emerged: civilian and sworn volunteers (Berg and Doerner, 1988). Civilian volunteers performed tasks that ranged from the delivery of crime prevention programming to offering technical consultation or acting within an advisory capacity to the 19 police organization (Sundeen and Segal, 1986 as cited in Berg and Doerner, 1988). In British Columbia, these tasks would be similar to organizing and implementing Block Watch/Neighbourhood Watch programs, offering expertise in areas such as computer programming, or participating on community consultative committees. Sworn volunteers (often referred to as auxiliary/reserve officers) were under oath through specific legislation and possessed the authority to perform certain duties that mirrored the work of full time officers (Berg and Doerner, 1988). The duties of a sworn volunteer included: carrying a firearm; making an arrest; assisting with warrants; patrolling as a second officer in a police vehicle; and wearing a uniform that may be similar to a full time officer (Berg and Doerner, 1988). In British Columbia, auxiliary/reserve constables wear a similar uniform to full time officers, participate in ‘ride-a-longs’, are present during arrests, participate in community events, and assist with community/crime prevention initiatives. However, due to the nature of their work, these volunteers are exposed to hazards that may result in death, physical injury, stress, cynicism, alcoholism, divorce, and other related problems (Berg and Doerner, 1988). Therefore, understanding the motivational factors for volunteers engaged in this type of work is important for police organizations in order to retain and sustain their volunteer base. Motivational factors depend on whether the activity satisfies personal needs and goals (Reimer, Dorsch, Paskevich, & Chelladurai, 2004). Volunteers have been grouped into two motivational orientations: altruistic or utilitarian (Berg and Doerner, 1988). Altruistically motivated volunteers do so for benevolent reasons (Miller, 1982 as cited in Berg and Doerner, 1988), while utilitarian motivated volunteers seek personal gain (Gidron, 1980 as cited in Berg and Doerner, 1988). A Florida study led by Berg and Doerner (1988) measured the motivational attributes of 16 reserve officers. They identified the dominant motivational orientation (74 per 20 cent) to be utilitarian in nature, identifying personal gains to include friendships with police, opportunities for excitement, maintaining a police certification, and enhancing the opportunity for becoming a full time officer (Berg and Doerner, 1988). Only slightly more than one-quarter of the study participants (26 per cent) identified altruistic motives by citing the desire to help others as their main reason for being a reserve officer (Berg and Doerner, 1988). In contrast to the Florida findings, a study by Krayenhoff (1992) for the BC Ministry of Attorney General found that most auxiliary constables volunteered for altruistic reasons. After surveying 119 auxiliary/reserve constables, More than three-quarters (77 per cent) indicated that their reasons for joining auxiliary/reserve programs were to serve their community, support their local police, and participate in emergency situations. Only a small proportion (13 per cent) reported utilitarian motives of desiring to learn more about policing or to enhance their opportunities for becoming a full time officer (Krayenhoff, 1992). Whether motivational factors are altruistic or utilitarian in nature among sworn volunteers, the need for acceptance, recognition, and appreciation by the police organization and rank and file officers are also important factors in retaining volunteers (Berg and Doerner, 1988). Social Exchange Theory Social exchange theory is based on the belief that human relationships are developed and maintained through a subjective cost-benefit analysis and through a comparison of alternatives (Thibaut and Kelley, 1959 as cited in Aronson, Wilson, Akert, & Fehr, 2001). When applied to the context of volunteering, the benefits must over-ride the cost of providing free labour. It would follow that organizations that understand and work to embrace this concept will likely retain their volunteers longer. 21 Benefits Volunteer appreciation, training, and a variety of work experiences have been known to help maximize personal gain (Reimer, Dorsch, Paskevich, & Chelladurai, 2004). “A volunteer’s pay is the recognition that he or she is an equal and respected part of the organization. As a result, recognition must be an integral part of the management process so that volunteers feel valued within the organization they work for” (Volunteer Canada, 2009, p. 1). Also important is that volunteers experience meaningful interaction with full time staff and that they are acknowledged for their ideas and opinions (Ancans, 1992). There are additional ways in which volunteers perceive benefits for volunteering. First, realistic expectations of a volunteer’s availability to work must be understood. Reserve officers indicated that after completing a full week of work, responding to their family needs, and dealing with additional responsibilities, there was little time left to volunteer (Berg and Doerner 1988). Second, volunteers look for adequate training. Many police services have responded to this by investing heavily in the development and delivery of training for their volunteers (Police Sector Council, 2000). Thirdly, volunteers look for a diversified work experience. Once again, police organizations have offered this to volunteers based on an understanding of this need. The variety of work within policing has contributed to a diverse range of opportunities (Police Sector Council, 2000). While it is important for volunteers to perceive benefits, organizations must receive reciprocal benefits from their volunteers. The investment of time to hire to ‘right’ volunteer is as critical as hiring a full time employee (Police Sector Council, 2000). This practice minimizes the cost of retraining, reduces volunteer turn over, and ensures that a more comfortable fit exists within the organization (Police Sector Council, 2000). Although auxiliary/reserve constables 22 have volunteered for many years, research indicates that rank and file officers and their line managers did not always support the involvement of volunteers (Taylor, 1994). Barriers to Satisfaction among Auxiliary Volunteers One of the barriers to satisfaction among auxiliary/reserve constables is when the perception of token support for the program exists within police organizations. When this occurs, this attitude appears to be infused with deep rooted animosity toward volunteers. While most police agencies in Canada have an average of four auxiliary/reserve constables volunteering at any time within their organizations, the level of non-acceptance between the volunteer constables and full time officers is on-going (Police Sector Council, 2000). In the Florida study, reserve officers reported that one of the barriers to their job satisfaction was the lack of acceptance and integration into the police organization (Berg and Doerner, 1988). In Britain, special constables acknowledged having to deal with overt hostility from some officers, including being accused of ‘playing policeman’ (Gill and Mawby, 1990). A full time officer in Britain was asked why he did not support special constables. He stated I can’t think of any logical reason why someone would want to be a special … if the rules say they are too young or too fat to be a policeman they shouldn’t be a policeman (via the Specials) … [t]hey’re nice people but they’re a pain in the arse, they’re an embarrassment (Gill and Mawby, 1990, p. 136). In Los Angeles, reserve officers identified that negative attitudes among department staff stemmed from of a lack of respect and recognition regarding the skills held by reserve officers. This lack of knowledge was due to a poor understanding of the program by both police managers and full time officers. Furthermore, reserve officers maintained that senior police managers needed to set a positive example recommending that a manager’s performance with this program be included as part of the annual evaluation process (Los Angeles Police Department, 2004). The 23 lack of appreciation toward reserve officers resulted in some reservists resigning from the program to join another police service elsewhere (Los Angeles Police Department, 2004). This attitude of non-acceptance toward auxiliary constables was also evident in Canada. Full time officers stated that “auxiliaries/reserve constables are in the program because they are ‘wanna-be cops’ and that auxiliary/reserve constables are only volunteering their time because of the thrills associated with police work” (Kean and Associates, 1998, p. 93). An RCMP manager stated that “there is a built in resentment, and has been for a lot of years on volunteers, whether it is victim service units or the auxiliary program” (Krayenhoff, 1992, p. 32). Understanding the underlying reasons for the lack of acceptance is an important consideration if the auxiliary program is to maintain a strong presence. One of the underlying reasons for the lack of acceptance among volunteers has been linked to the behaviours of volunteers. Special constables in Britain maintained that when one of their own volunteer constables acted in an unprofessional manner, it tarnished the entire program (Gill and Mawby, 1990). Another reason was attributed to the distinct uniform worn by auxiliary constables (Gill and Mawby, 1990). Organizational policies insisted that auxiliaries wore identifiable patches or some other insignia on their uniform. Auxiliaries believed that this public distinction reinforced the notion that they were lesser in status than full time officers (Krayenhoff, 1992). Many auxiliary/reserve constables believed that the uniform singled them out, placed them in danger, and contributed to their being treated differently, including not being taken seriously by the public (Krayenhoff, 1992). For example, Los Angeles reserve officers wear a badge with an identifiable “R”. They argued that the “R” made it more difficult to command respect in certain situations, and, therefore, posed safety concerns. Los Angeles reserve officers supported the argument that an 24 identifiably different uniform eroded a strong working relationship with full time officers and contributed to a decline in moral (Los Angeles Police Department, 2004). In contrast, RCMP managers argued that the distinction between the two uniforms was necessary for addressing liability concerns arising from members of the public mistaking auxiliary constables as full time officers (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). Though the issue of acceptance for auxiliary constables is a contentious issue, Taylor (1995) maintained that disparaging remarks and attitudes by some RCMP mid-line managers and full time officers stymied the successful expansion of the auxiliary program from becoming a fully integrated and complimentary service to the RCMP. Addressing Labour Shortfalls Police agencies have been affected by an aging workforce earlier than most organizations because of the eligibility for officers to collect unreduced retirement pensions after only 25 years of service (Police Sector Council, 2000). In 2000, the projection was made that Canadian police organizations would lose approximately 2,000 officers each year for several years (Police Sector Council, 2000). In light of the current labour market shortfalls, the auxiliary program is a potential source for recruiting full time officers for the RCMP. Ferguson (2008) argued that due to the training and experience among auxiliary/reserve constables, they should be considered “camera ready” because of the savings in costs regarding their current application process (oral board, security clearance) and their experience in the field. Los Angeles police service has found that hiring a reserve officer reduced the pre-employment process from three months to as little as four to six weeks (Los Angeles Police Department, 2004). In addition, incidental benefits for the program included an improvement in moral among reserve officers and the outflow of applications to other police agencies decreased (Los Angeles Police Department, 2004). 25 Although some contended that there were merits for hiring auxiliary constables as police officers, not all RCMP managers embraced this concept. One senior manager stated “I’m against using the auxiliary program to give a person a chance to be an applicant. We lose them, and the program cannot afford that turnover” (Krayenhoff, 1992, p. 36). This position appeared to be based on the assumption that most auxiliaries wanted to become full time officers and, in turn, assumed that they would all be successful in their application process. Research completed in British Columbia indicated that only about one-quarter (27 per cent) of auxiliaries/reserves were interested in a full time policing career, and the large majority (77 per cent) joined the program simply to support the police, serve their community, and participate in emergency preparedness (Krayenhoff, 1992). The degree to which this is the case today in Canada remains unclear. However, in the 1980’s, RCMP executives did not consider the auxiliary program to be a potential pool for recruiting purposes, even though they faced labour shortages at that time (Taylor, 1994). Failing to draw from the auxiliary pool of volunteers for recruiting purposes has been a systemic practice for many years. A current hiring trend within policing has not engaged the practice of targeting specific skill sets to match identified needs for the organization. Rather, police agencies have been processing applicants in volume numbers, hoping that newly hired officers will learn the skills sets necessary to fill employment gaps (Police Sector Council, 2000). Krayenhoff’s (1992) study identified a diverse range in skills and abilities among auxiliary/reserve volunteers that included teaching, medicine and health, clerical, engineering, math and science, construction, service industry, and transportation. This suggests that some auxiliary constables may be worth considering for full time positions to respond to current labour shortfalls within the RCMP. 26 In summary, volunteering has become a cornerstone of society, necessitating organizations to study the motivational factors for retaining their volunteer work force. While the literature outlined many reasons why citizens’ volunteered, altruistic motives attached to serving their community was a defining motivational factor for many auxiliary constables. The subjective cost-benefit analysis through the social exchange theory becomes another important aspect when applied to volunteering. Policing organizations who have not embraced the concepts of volunteers working within their organizations risk building barriers between their rank and file membership and their volunteers. Lack of inclusion, respect, or understanding involving the needs of volunteers are obstacles to overcome. Many auxiliary constables hold skill sets that are beneficial for police organizations. Given this, hiring practices should be reviewed in order to consider volunteer police officers as potential candidates for addressing the labour shortages. The current study in this major paper will provide a more current profile of the auxiliary membership, while identifying opportunities and challenges regarding the overall program. 27 Chapter 3: Methodology The present research drew from a survey questionnaire constructed specifically for this major paper. The survey instrument, RCMP Auxiliary Member Survey, was a self-report, 42 item questionnaire designed to obtain information regarding auxiliary constable demographics, time spent in specific volunteer activities, motivation for joining the program, satisfaction regarding training, and perceptions of acceptance within the RCMP. Participants for the survey were drawn from listings of auxiliary constables serving at detachments within British Columbia under an Officer in Charge (OIC) who held the rank of Inspector or above. Though 21 detachments met this criterion, three declined participation, which left a total of 18 detachments who participated. Permission to conduct the survey was granted by RCMP Senior Executive Officers from E Division (British Columbia) and the Research Ethics Board for the University of the Fraser Valley. The coordinator of each auxiliary program was informed about the purpose of the survey and the process of administering the survey. Communication occurred through internal RCMP electronic mail. Coordinators were requested to forward the names and home addresses of all auxiliary constables so that the researcher could mail surveys directly to the homes of auxiliary constables. Specific instructions contained within the survey provided information to survey participants outlining the purpose of the study, RCMP’s approval to conduct the study, the volunteer nature of their participation, and their anonymity (see Appendix A). Participants were provided with a self-addressed and stamped envelope for returning the survey directly to the Centre for Criminal Justice Research (CCJR) at the University of the Fraser Valley. Of the 507 questionnaires mailed to potential participants, 29 were returned as undelivered. This left 478 surveys of which 166 were returned for processing for a response rate of slightly more than one-third (35 per cent). Data entry occurred in the high security lab of 28 CCJR by trained and security cleared undergraduate university students who entered the data using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) software. 29 Chapter 4: Research Findings Sample Characteristics As outlined in Table 1, the majority of those surveyed (56 per cent) were from the Lower Mainland, with the second largest group (23 per cent) from the Southeast District. Notably, it would appear that the returned surveys adequately represented the general sample of surveys mailed to potential respondents. In fact, the only District which seemed to be over-represented, in terms of those responding to the survey, was the North District. Specifically, while the North represented 7% of questionnaires mailed, it represented 14% of all the questionnaires returned. Table 1: Representativeness of Returned Questionnaires by RCMP District District Percentage of Total Questionnaires Mailed Lower Mainland Southeast Island North Percentage of Returned Questionnaires 56% 23% 13% 7% 55% 21% 10% 14% Auxiliary constables represented a broad and diverse group. This was evident in the findings regarding their level of education, gender, age, current occupations, and their diversity of languages other than English. With respect to gender, nearly four-fifths (78 per cent) of the returned surveys indicated that the respondent was male. This was a near exact representation of the gender division found throughout the entire auxiliary program for British Columbia as 80% of all British Columbian auxiliary constables are male. In terms of age, the mean age of the sample was 41 years old with a range of 20 years old to 63 years old. While only a small proportion of the sample (15 per cent) was under the age of 30 30 years old, slightly more than half (56 per cent) were at least 40 years old, with one-fifth being 50 or more years old. The auxiliary constables in this sample were also well educated with all respondents indicating that they had at least a high school diploma. In effect, nearly all respondents (89 per cent) had more than a basic high school education. Nearly one-third of auxiliaries (29 per cent) had completed at least one university degree. Specifically, 14% had an undergraduate degree, 8% had a graduate degree, and 7% had a professional degree. Respondents were asked to identify whether they spoke a language other than English. More than one-quarter of the sample (29 per cent) provided more than ten additional languages to English that they commonly spoke. Of these respondents, 5% spoke two or more languages in addition to English. Of those who spoke more than one language (n = 48), the most common languages were French (27 per cent), Cantonese/Mandarin (21 per cent), and Punjabi/Hindi (10 per cent).1 The survey also asked survey participants to identify whether they were a visible minority. One-fifth of the sample self-identified themselves as part of a visible minority. The general commitment to the auxiliary constable program by this sample was evident by the fact that the overwhelming majority of respondents (88 per cent) were employed in full time work. Given this, very few (7 per cent) worked part time, were retired (3 per cent), or otherwise unemployed (3 per cent). Respondents held a broad range of occupations from management and administration to the service industry, medical field, sales, construction, transportation, education, and clerical sectors.2 In terms of general satisfaction with the auxiliary constable program, the results were positive. According to the respondents, the main reason for joining the program was to support 1 The other languages were: German (7 per cent); Italian (7 per cent); Spanish (7 per cent); Korean (7 per cent); Dutch (3 per cent); and Other (14 per cent). 2 A complete list of the different types of employment held by this sample can be seen in Appendix B. 31 their police and their local community. Auxiliary constables provided more than the required number of hours, including some giving up to three times the number of required hours. Auxiliary constables preferred to perform operational work, even though the program mandate dictates that responsibilities be primarily directed toward community and crime prevention. Although there is general support for the auxiliary program and the RCMP among auxiliary constables, the views of senior auxiliary constables regarding the program and the RCMP have worsened significantly since they first joined the program. Finally, as auxiliary constables grow older, the trend toward service length shortens. Each of these findings will be explored in greater detail below. Reasons for Joining Auxiliary constables were asked to indicate their motivation for joining the program. The overwhelming majority of respondents (91 per cent) indicated that they joined the program primarily to serve their community. While less than one-fifth (17 per cent) joined to improve their chances of becoming a full time RCMP officer, slightly more than one-third (35 per cent) joined to explore policing as a potential career. Other reasons given for joining the program included serving the community, keeping the community safe, giving back to their community, or being an example to their family. Contribution of Time Most auxiliary constables volunteered more than their required number of hours. Although the program requires only 160 hours per year, as demonstrated in Figure 1, approximately three-quarters (74 per cent) of respondents exceeded the minimum hour requirements in both 2007 and 2008. Of these, many volunteered in excess of twice the required 32 hours (27% in 2007; 22% in 2008). Still, others gave more than three times the required hours (13% in 2007; 8% in 2008). Among the 20% who had not completed the required number of hours, many had less than one year service experience. This same pattern held true regardless of gender or District. Figure 1: Percentage of Auxiliaries Working in Excess of 160 Hours per Year 2007 and 2008 Moreover, auxiliary constables were predominantly junior in service. Nearly two-third of the sample (64 per cent) had five years of service or less, while only 13% had 10 or more years of service. Duties Performed Auxiliary constables spent half their time assisting with operational police work. As indicated in Table 2, operationally, nearly one-third (31 per cent) of time was spent in general duty policing activities with a regular member, one-tenth of the time was spent in general duty activities with an auxiliary constable, and a further 9% performing traffic duties. Within community policing, the greatest proportion of time was spent conducting crowd control activities (12 per cent) followed by crime prevention programming (8 per cent). 33 Table 2: Proportion of Time Spent on Duties Performed by Auxiliaries Activities Operational General Duty with Regular Member 31% General Duty with another Auxiliary 10% Traffic 9% Crowd Control Crime Prevention Foot Patrol Clerical / Administrative ATV and Bike Patrols Other (boat patrols, meetings, DARE talks, court, etc) Community Policing 12% 8% 7% 5% 4% 14% Gender was a factor in determining the type of duty undertaken by auxiliary constables in the areas involving crowd control, traffic duties, and foot patrol. As demonstrated in Figure 2, slightly more than two-third (68 per cent) of males had an allocation of time to crowd control events compared to approximately half (49 per cent) of the female respondents. Similarly, a majority of male respondents (60 per cent) performed traffic duties compared to a minority (46 per cent) of female respondents. Interestingly, foot patrols had a reverse trend with a slight majority (51 per cent) of females participating compared to a minority (42 per cent) of males. While the differences noted above exist, none of them proved to be statistically significant. 34 Figure 2: Duties Performed by Auxiliaries by Gender 83% 84% 68% 60% 50% 49% 46% 46% 48% 51% 43% 42% 33% 27% 25% 16% GD w /R eg M Cr ow d br GD Cn tr l w /A Tr af fi ux c Male Cr im eP Fo ot re vP ro gr Cl Pa tro l er /A AT V dm in & Bi ke Pt rl Female General duty with a regular member was the most preferred area of work. Though Figure 3 combines the first and second choices of auxiliary constables ‘preferred areas of work’, further analysis determined that nearly two-thirds (65 per cent) of respondents rated general duty with a regular member or another auxiliary as their first choice. The remaining respondents listed general duty with a regular member or an auxiliary as their second choice. This results in 100% of respondents listing general duty as either their first or second most preferred area of work. In contrast, clerical duties (58 per cent) and community policing/crime prevention duties (38 per cent) were the least preferred areas overall. Notably, this difference was not statistically significant. 35 Figure 3: Auxiliaries’ Level of Enjoyment for Duties Performed Levels of Satisfaction with the Program Using a four point Likert scale anchored by Very Dissatisfied and Very Satisfied, the survey sought to determine the extent to which auxiliary constables were satisfied with various aspects of the program. As demonstrated in Table 3, there were an extremely high proportion of respondents (92 per cent) who were generally satisfied with the program. However, there were a few areas where respondents indicated a lesser level of satisfaction. For example, only slightly more than two-thirds (68 per cent) of respondents were satisfied with how they were treated as a valued member of the detachment team. A larger proportion, approximately four-fifths (79 per cent), reported being satisfied with their level of acceptance by regular members, while slightly more than three-quarters (77 per cent) felt supported by mid-line managers. The lowest level of satisfaction (69 per cent) was with the auxiliary uniform and the extent to which auxiliaries felt like a valued member of the team (68 per cent). 36 Table 3: Levels of Satisfaction among Auxiliaries with Various Aspects of the Program Areas of Satisfaction Level of satisfaction Work schedule Respect received from public Quality of supervision received Assigned tasks are interesting Feeling safe Feeling accepted by regular members Supported by mid-line manger Willingness of regular members to help me learn Auxiliary uniform Feeling like a valued member of the team 96% 95% 93% 86% 85% 79% 77% 77% 69% 68% Overall level of satisfaction as an auxiliary constable 92% Auxiliary training is mandated by the provincial government of British Columbia in conjunction with the RCMP. In-training auxiliaries are required to complete 140 hours of initial training, while subsequent training is determined and mandated on a needs basis by their respective detachments. As indicated in Table 4, nearly all of the respondents (95 per cent) were satisfied with the extent to which their initial training and subsequent training had equipped them for their duties. Furthermore, nearly all (96 per cent) indicated that they were also satisfied with the ability of their instructors to teach the material. Table 4: Levels of Satisfaction among Auxiliaries with their Training Level of Satisfaction % Satisfied with Initial training % Satisfied with Subsequent Training 95% 96% 99% 95% 99% 95% Training equipped you for your duties Instructor’s ability to teach the subject Overall satisfaction with the training More auxiliaries felt that the program had worsened compared to those who thought it had improved. In effect, while one-quarter of auxiliaries felt that the program had improved since they joined a near majority (41 per cent) felt that the program had worsened. However, it is 37 important to keep in mind that only 10% of the sample felt that the program had worsened significantly, while the other 31% felt that the program had only worsened somewhat. Interestingly, approximately one-third (34 per cent) felt that the quality of the program had remained the same. Also of concern, when asked about their opinion of the RCMP, more than one-quarter (28 per cent) reported that it had worsened since they joined the auxiliary program. Among those, 5% indicated that their opinion had worsened significantly. Still, slightly more than one-third (35 per cent) indicated that their opinion of the RCMP had improved, with 15% stating that their opinion had improved significantly. Auxiliary constables who found that their opinion of the auxiliary program and their opinion of the RCMP have worsened over the years were, on average, those with the greatest amount of service (see Table 5). Specifically, those auxiliary constables who felt that their opinion of the auxiliary program had significantly worsened since their becoming an auxiliary had, on average, 151 months service. Likewise, those auxiliary constables who felt their opinion of the RCMP had worsened significantly also had an average of 151 months of service. Interestingly, the auxiliaries who felt that their opinions had worsened significantly turn out to be individuals who, on average, worked over 100 hours more in 2008 than the required 160 hours expected annually of an auxiliary (see Table 6). Notably, that group of auxiliaries worked more hours per auxiliary than any other group of auxiliary constables. 38 Table 5: Opinion of Auxiliary Constables of the Program by Average Length of Service* Opinion Expressed Improved significantly Improved somewhat Remained the same Worsened somewhat Worsened significantly Average Months of Service Opinion of Auxiliary Program Average Months of Service Opinion of RCMP 60 48 53 82 151 62 47 70 84 151 *Average length of service of auxiliary constables is 72 months. Table 6: Opinion of Auxiliary Constables of the Program by Hours Worked in 2008 Opinion Expressed Improved significantly Improved somewhat Remained the same Worsened somewhat Worsened significantly Average Hours Worked Opinion of Auxiliary Program 238 236 245 363 405 Average Hours Worked Opinion of RCMP 217 156 136 226 308 Continued Commitment to the Program Auxiliary constables were asked to indicate how much longer they intended to remain with the program. There was an inverse relationship between the amount of time auxiliaries have been in the program and the length of time auxiliaries expected to remain in the program. As demonstrated in Table 7, those who intended to leave the program within 12 months of the survey have been with the program, on average, for 100 months (8.3 years). However, auxiliaries who intended to remain in the program for at least five more years had been with the program, are simply those who have been with the program for a lesser period of time (i.e. on average, for 60 months). Regardless of the length of service or anticipated commitment to the program, most auxiliary constables still worked more than the required number of hours in 2008. 39 Table 7: Estimated Commitment of Auxiliaries to Remain in the Program Expected time remaining with the program Less than One Year One to Five Years More than Five Years % of Auxiliary Constables 10% 43% 47% Average Months of Service 100 81 60 % who worked more than Required Hours in 2008 73% 75% 76% In general, the results of this study indicate the primary reason auxiliary constables joined the program was to serve their community. While a minimum of 160 hours was required annually from each auxiliary, many auxiliary constables volunteered more than the required number of hours. Further, there was a preference among auxiliary constables to perform operational duties, even though community policing/crime prevention activities are the primary responsibility. Overall, auxiliaries were very satisfied with the program. However, satisfaction rates dropped moderately in relation to a perceived lack of inclusion within the RCMP and support from full time officers. In addition, the views of senior auxiliary constables had worsened regarding the RCMP and the program since they first joined. While there are various areas that may require attention, this study showed promise in that auxiliary constables reported a willingness to support the program. 40 Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusion The purpose of this major paper was to examine the demographics, perceptions, and experiences of RCMP auxiliary constables in British Columbia, with a particular focus on what they like and dislike about the auxiliary program. The expectation was also that the results of the survey could be compared to earlier studies on auxiliary constables/reserve officers reported in the existing research literature. Krayenhoff’s (1992) study of the auxiliary/reserve programs within British Columbia offered the closest comparison to the current survey concerning the changing demographic features of auxiliary constables. Even though his methods differed somewhat from the current survey, Krayenhoff’s (1992) study obtained demographic data useful for benchmarking changes over time. For this reason, Krayenhoff’s 1992 study will be extensively referred to in this section. The sample respondents in the current survey were older than auxiliary constables in 1992. For example, a near majority (45 per cent) reported being under the age of 40 in the current survey compared to approximately two-thirds (67 per cent) under the age of 40 years old in 1992. Further evidence that auxiliaries were older today than in the past was determined by the finding that nearly one-fifth (19 per cent) of auxiliaries reported being 50 years old or older in the current study compared to only 6% of auxiliaries in the 1992 study. In the current study, auxiliary constables had more formal education compared to the 1992 sample. Having a requirement to complete a grade 12 education to qualify for the program, most respondents surpassed the minimum education level by some distance. This increase in the educational levels among auxiliaries was evidenced by the fact that nearly one-third (29 per cent) of the current sample reported having a university degree, while only 9% in the 1992 study had 41 completed a university degree. That same general pattern was reflected among those who reported having some post secondary education (60 per cent compared to 45 per cent, respectively). Interestingly, in 1992, 40% acknowledged having high school as their highest level of educational attainment, while the current survey found only 11% reporting high school graduation as their highest level of education. In effect, the trend toward higher levels of education among police officers (Police Sector Council, 2000) paralleled the educational trend among auxiliary volunteers. The occupations represented by auxiliary members included nine working sectors. These sectors included management and administration, service, medical, sales, construction, transportation, education, and clerical. The greatest change since 1992 was observed among those claiming to be from the medical and forestry sector. Comparing current data from Krayenhoff’s (1992) study, representation from the medical sector rose from 1% in 1992 to 10% in the current study. In contrast, representation from the forestry and mining occupations dropped to 0% from 15% in 1992. All other sector categories remained similar across time. The decline in representation from the forestry/mining sector and the increase in the medical sector may reflect an overall trend toward emerging and declining job markets over the past 16 years. The most frequently cited reason for becoming an auxiliary constable was to serve one’s community. The current survey found that nearly all respondents (91 per cent) indicated this as their main reason for joining. This was an increase from the proportion reported in Krayenhoff’s study in which approximately three-quarter of respondents (74 per cent) joined in order to serve one’s community. These findings lie in contrast to the findings from the United States where self-serving motives were found to be the most prevalent (Berg and Doerner, 1988). Still, service to others had been identified as a value-based motive and one of the six main reasons why people 42 were attracted to the volunteer sector (Houle, Sagarin, & Kaplin, 2005). The least common reason for joining the auxiliary program was to increase one’s opportunity to become a full time police officer. These findings remained consistent for both the current and 1992 studies in which nearly one-fifth (17 per cent) of auxiliary constables indicated joining to enhance their opportunity to become a full time officer (Krayenhoff, 1992). It would appear that while some auxiliaries joined for career enhancement opportunities, the notion of ‘wanna be cops’ is largely unfounded. There was an equal division of time spent between performing operational and community policing/crime prevention duties. The ratio between crime prevention-related and operational duties was similar to those found in Krayenhoff’s research in which general patrol and traffic duties were the most frequently performed tasks (Krayenhoff, 1992). While auxiliary constables in the current study spent half their time in an operational capacity, approximately four-fifths (81 per cent) indicated they preferred to spend their time in this type of work. In contrast, only 13% indicated a preference for working in crime prevention/community policing duties. Even though the 1998 program review conducted by the BC Attorney General recommended that auxiliary constables spend only 30% of their time in operational duties and 70% of their time in a community policing/crime prevention capacity (Royal Canadian Mounted Police, 2004), auxiliaries continue to spend, and indeed prefer, to work in a general duty setting. Given the trend toward reduced retention rates, including the declining rates of experienced auxiliary volunteers, and the disparity between the mandated and preferred expectations, the RCMP may wish to consider ways in which these aspects can work together to strengthen the program. Consideration could be given to developing a tiered program that would allow auxiliary constables to train and specialize in specific areas, similar to the reserve program in Los 43 Angeles. A clearer understanding of community policing/crime prevention duties and expectations may also assist in strengthening this aspect of the program. Nonetheless, most auxiliary constables (92 per cent) were satisfied with the program. They were satisfied with their work schedules, supervision, job functions, and the respect they received from members of the public. More specifically, a high overall level of satisfaction (97 per cent) was reported regarding the initial training, as well as subsequent training provided by detachments. Police services have invested heavily in the development and delivery of training materials which have undoubtedly contributed to this high level of satisfaction (Police Sector Council, 2000). Although training is considered a developmental tool, employers benefit from training their volunteers because of the value added commodity that well trained volunteers bring to the organization (Conference Board of Canada, 2007). Although the training of volunteers is an important activity for detachments to undertake, it is important to keep in mind that this may create strain on personnel resources to maintain the instructional integrity and time required with increased manpower shortages. Of note, most auxiliary constables (86 per cent) were satisfied with the job functions they were asked to perform. Volunteers who are offered a varied work experience tend to be more satisfied than those who have a limited variety of tasks (Police Sector Council, 2000). The current survey results indicated that the duties among auxiliaries were evenly distributed between operational patrols and crime prevention suggesting adequate variety in their work. Importantly, most auxiliary constables (95 per cent) felt respected by the general public. This perception of support from the public appeared to stand in contrast to both the Canadian and American literature which suggested that auxiliary members believed their uniform contributed to having lesser status that full time police officers (Krayenhoff, 1992) and being treated differently by the 44 public, including not being taken seriously (Los Angeles Police Department, 2004). Though this area is not as well documented in the literature, the Review Committee, on behalf of the Canadian government, formally acknowledged appreciation for the work that auxiliary constables performed within the province of British Columbia (B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, 1998). As just mentioned, one area of dissatisfaction for many auxiliaries was the matter of their uniforms. In this current study, nearly one-third (31 per cent) of auxiliaries were dissatisfied with their uniforms. In particular, as indicated by the comments they included in the survey, they did not like the fact that their uniform was distinctively different from full-time officers. Again, this dissatisfaction with the uniform has been noted by other researches (e.g. Gill and Mawby, 1990; Krayenhoff, 1992; Los Angeles Police Department, 2004). Another area of dissatisfaction related to the extent to which auxiliaries felt they were part of the detachment team, supported by mid-line managers, and accepted by the rank and file membership. Although there was an overall satisfaction rate of 92% for the program, only 68% felt that they were valued members of their detachment team. Kean and Associates (1998) stated that the attitude of some full time police officers marginalized volunteers by promoting the idea that auxiliary constables were merely ‘wanna-be-cops’. An RCMP manager stated that the lack of officer support had been occurring for several years, suggesting that these were systemic concerns (Krayenhoff, 1992). A similar pattern reflecting decreased levels of satisfaction was directed toward the volunteers’ relationships with mid-line managers. While generally positive, the drop to 77% from the otherwise high satisfaction rates supports a general finding in the literature that mid-line managers across the police sector do not fully support volunteer police officers (Police Sector 45 Council, 2000). In response to this, the Los Angeles Reserve Corps requested their mid-line managers be evaluated as part of their annual assessment regarding their support and working relationship with the reserve program (Los Angeles Police Department, 2004). A continued lack of mid-line manager support may ultimately compromise the overall development and integration of the auxiliary program. To increase perceptions of inclusion among auxiliary members, RCMP managers may wish to understand this more fully by engaging directly with mid- line managers and auxiliary constables. There is an undercurrent of dissatisfaction about the program that resides within the senior auxiliary constable membership. Anecdotal evidence (ARPOA, 2005) suggested that they were unhappy because they were no longer permitted to carry a firearm when on duty. If that were the sole reason for their dissatisfaction, it remained unclear as to why they would continue to work two times the required number of hours each year. When auxiliaries were asked for suggestions on how to improve the program, they indicated a desire for mentorship and leadership from both full time officers and senior auxiliary constables. The initial appeal for joining the program among this relatively well educated group may wane over time as opportunities for advancement are reduced or removed. In order to stem the trend toward increased attrition, the RCMP may wish to consider offering opportunities for advancement within the program as is the case with the Los Angeles Police Reserve Program. This might include implementing a rank structure, increasing administrative responsibilities, and providing assistance for training junior auxiliaries. In order to draw more firm conclusions about this recommendation, the RCMP may wish to gather further information through qualitative research, including conducting program exit interviews. 46 Clearly, auxiliary constables have a varied skill set, are well educated, and, in certain cases, have a desire to join the RCMP. With this in mind, the RCMP should give consideration to the auxiliary program as a potential hiring pool to meet their recruiting needs. This statement should be taken into consideration given that the RCMP has a history of dismissing auxiliary constables for recruiting needs (see Taylor, 1994). This is not to suggest that recruiting practices be relaxed in order to accommodate auxiliaries. Rather, simply that consideration should be given to streamlining the process based on an auxiliary’s experience, security clearance information, and input from full time officers. The recruiting process of targeting and streamlining application processes is common within the Los Angeles police department (Los Angeles Police Department, 2004), as well as fire departments and other police agencies, such as the Vancouver City Police. Further research should be conducted to discern if the same benefits experienced by other police and fire departments might have a similar application for the RCMP. The results of this study could be further examined through the provincial auxiliary advisory board. The provincial advisory board could provide program guidance, and assist with further policy development and other issues involving the delivery of the auxiliary constable program. In addition, the advisory board could provide an opportunity for auxiliary constables to strengthen their voice within their own program and for the RCMP to gain the benefit of working together with this valuable resource. While auxiliaries reported a high satisfaction rate with their current initial training, the cost of conducting training at the detachments may require further consideration, due to the lack of standardize practices, time restraints on detachment personnel, and, in some instances, a lack of experienced instructors. Recognizing that there may be certain drawbacks, such as travel, the 47 benefits of a more cohesive training model would return dividends to the program. The initial training of auxiliaries could be done in partnership with a post-secondary institution. As well, the RCMP should take into consideration the need for ongoing research regarding the auxiliary program. The research literature regarding the auxiliary program is extremely limited, and virtually non-existent, particularly in terms of its input from auxiliary constables themselves. The RCMP should consider conducting regular independent evaluations of the auxiliary program every three to five years, including an examination of auxiliary reserve programs to determine promising and evidence-led practices. This work could occur through existing partnerships between the RCMP, government, and university initiatives. Unfortunately, it was beyond the scope of this major paper to address the matter of precisely how the role of auxiliaries might be expanded. For the present, this study clearly demonstrates that the RCMP has been selecting very capable individuals for the auxiliary program. Collectively, they are a very diverse, educated, and dedicated group of volunteers who are committed to the work they do as auxiliaries and to the RCMP. They have a lot to offer and a readiness to offer more. The only failing is that they are not given the respect they deserve as volunteers, and particularly as volunteers who go far beyond what is expected of them. The RCMP needs to seriously address this issue. Beyond that, given the results of this study regarding the perceptions and experiences of auxiliary constables, the RCMP should give serious consideration to the feasibility of expanding the nature and extent of this extremely useful and valuable program. 48 References Ancans, I. (1992). Why people volunteer. Heritage Canada, Multiculturalism and Citizenship Canada, Volunteer Action Directorate. Retrieved March 13, 2009 from http://www.nald.ca/fulltext/heritage/ComPartnE/WhyPplE1.htm. Anthony, R. (1981). Auxiliary Police Program British Columbia-1981: Review and recommendations. Police Services Branch Ministry of Attorney General Province of British Columbia. Victoria, BC: Ministry of Attorney General. Aronson, E., Wilson, T., Akert, R., & Fehr, B. (2001). Social Psychology. (Canadian ed.). Toronto, ON: Pearson Education Canada Inc. Arwood, D., Hilal, S., Karsky, J., & Norman, M. (2005). Police reserve officers: structural embeddedness of self-role merger and volunteering. The Great Plains Sociologist, 17, 35-60. Auxiliary and Reserve Peace Officer Association (ARPOA-BC) (2005). The auxiliary/reserve story. Retrieved June 2, 2009 from http://members.shaw.ca/auxpolice/aux_story_contents.htm. B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General. (1998). British Columbia auxiliary/reserve constable review report to the Attorney General from the Director of Police Services. Prepared for Ministry of Attorney General, Police Services Branch. Retrieved February 19, 2009 from http://www.llbccat.leg.bc.ca/. B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General, (2007). Auxiliary/Reserve Constable Program Provincial Policy. Retrieved March 29, 2009 from www.pssg.gov.bc.ca/police_services/publications/policies/AuxiliaryReserveConstable.pdf. Berg, B., & Doerner, W. (1988). Volunteer police officers: An unexamined personnel dimension of law enforcement. American Journal of Police Services, 7, 81-89. Clarke, C. (2002). Between a rock and a hard place: RCMP organizational change. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management, 25(1), 1431. Conference Board of Canada (2007). Hot HR Issues for the next two years. Retrieved July 15, 2008 from www.conferenceboard.ca. 49 Corrigan, M. (2001). Social exchange theory, interpersonal communication motives, and volunteerism: Identifying motivation to volunteer and the rewards and costs associated. Unpublished master’s thesis, West Virginia University, Morgantown, West Virginia, United States of America. Curran, D., & Renzetti, C. (2001). Theories of crime. (2nd ed.). Toronto: Allen and Bacon. Ferguson, J. (2008). Auxiliary police officers….just add training. Law and Order, 56(4), 87-90. Gill, M., & Mawby, R. (1990). A special constable: A study of the police reserve. Aldershot, UK: Avebury. Greenberg, M. (1979). Police volunteers – are they really necessary? Critical Issues in Criminal Justice. NCJ 063735. Retrieved February 23, 2009 from http://www.ncjrs.gov/App/Publications/abstract.aspx?ID=63735. Griffiths, C., Parent, R., & Whitelaw, B. (2001). Community policing in Canada. Scarborough, ON: Nelson Thomson Learning. Houle, B., Sagarin, B., & Kaplin, M. (2005). A functional approach to volunteerism: Do volunteer motives predict task preference? Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 27(4), 337-344. Kean and Associates Consulting Ltd. (1998). British Columbia auxiliary/reserve constable review. Victoria, BC: Ministry of Attorney General, British Columbia. Krayenhoff, L. (1992). A study of the B.C. auxiliary & reserve police program. Report prepared for Ministry of Attorney General, Police Services Branch. Victoria, BC: Ministry of Attorney General. Leeman, B. (2006). What sort of volunteer are you? New Community Quarterly, 4(3), 1-8. Los Angeles Police Department. (2004). Reserve corps initiatives. A report prepared for the Department Reserve Coordinator by Personnel Group. Los Angeles: Los Angeles Police Department. Police Sector Council (2000). Strategic human resources analysis of public policing in Canada. Retrieved June 14, 2009 from http://www.policecouncil.ca/reports/HRDCReportEnglish.pdf . 50 Reimer, H., Dorsch, L. Paskevich, D., & Chelladurai, P. (2004). Motivations for volunteering with youth-oriented programs. Toronto, ON: Imagine Canada Retrieved March 13, 2009 from http://nonprofitscan.imaginecanada.ca/files/nonprofitscan/kdccdc/motivations_for_volunteering.pdf. Royal Canadian Mounted Police (2004). Auxiliary Constable Program E Division Operations Manual 1.1.E. Retrieved July 24, 2008 from http://infoweb.rcmp-grc.gc.ca/ediv/directives/om/i/1/E.htm. Royal Canadian Mounted Police (2007). Community Contract and Aboriginal Policing RCMP Auxiliary Constable Program for E Division. Retrieved June 23, 2008 www.rcmp.ca/ccaps/auxil_e.htm. Taylor, K. (1994). The role of special provincial, special municipal and auxiliary constables in British Columbia. Victoria, BC: Commission of Inquiry into Policing in British Columbia. Thurman, Q. (1995). Community policing: the police as a community resource. In P. Adams and K. Nelson (Eds.). Reinventing human services community and family practice (pp.175188). NY: Aldine De Gruyter. Volunteer Canada. (2009). Volunteer management: Recognition guidelines. Retrieved January 18, 2010 from http://volunteer.ca/en/volcan/vol-management/rec-guidelines. 51 Appendix A: Survey RCMP Auxiliary Member Survey Brian Foote, MA Candidate School of Criminology and Criminal Justice University of the Fraser Valley May 2009 ©2009 All Rights Reserved This document may not be reproduced in any manner, in whole or in part, without the written permission of the School of Criminology and Criminal Justice, University of the Fraser Valley 52 Survey Purpose and Instructions The auxiliary program has a long standing history within the RCMP. Over the years, the program has changed in many ways, in particular regarding the work that auxiliary members currently perform. With all of these changes, it is surprising to discover that very little attention has been afforded to what auxiliary members themselves think about their role within the program. Overall, we don’t really know what auxiliaries do, or whether or not they are satisfied with the work they perform. This questionnaire is designed to seek out this information from you as current serving auxiliary members. My goal is to get a candid and instructive picture of what auxiliaries around the province do in their work and how they perceive it. To that end, I am sending this questionnaire to auxiliary members working in British Columbia Detachments who’s OIC holds the rank of Inspector or above (all of which have auxiliary programs in place). My hope and expectation is that the findings of the university report that I produce from the surveys, will be helpful in understanding the quality of the RCMP and the overall satisfaction of the police auxiliary program in general. The report will also outline information gathered from the surveys regarding your thoughts on how the program can be improved in order to benefit auxiliary members such as you. Accordingly, your input is very important. Your participation in this questionnaire is completely voluntary. Your responses will be anonymous to the RCMP as an organization and to me as an RCMP member and graduate student in the School of Criminology. In this regard, please remember that the questionnaires do not contain any personal identifiers and will all be returned directly to me at the University of the Fraser Valley. In addition to your anonymity, you are free to not answer any question that you would rather not answer. To further facilitate your participation, I have provided you with a pre-stamped envelope for the return of your questionnaire. I am hoping to have your questionnaire returned to me by our return deadline date of: Friday, May 15th, 2009 If you have any questions, please do not hesitate to call Dr. Darryl Plecas, RCMP Research Chair, at the University of the Fraser Valley at 604- 854-4553. For any concerns regarding the administration of the survey, please feel free to contact Yvon Dandurand, Associate VicePresident Research and Graduate Studies at the University of the Fraser Valley at 604-864-4654. Thank you. 53 Section A. Job Particulars In this section please tell me about your history as an auxiliary member and how you currently spend your time serving your detachment. 1. How long have you been an auxiliary member? ______ years _____ months 2. How many hours did you work as an auxiliary member in 2008? ________ hours 3. How many hours did you work as an auxiliary member in 2007? ________ hours Which police district do you currently work in? (Please check one) North Island Lower Mainland Southeast 5. As an auxiliary member over the last year, what percentage of time did you spend on each of the following related duties? (Please ensure that your percentages add up to 100%) a) General Duty (with regular member) d) Crowd Control (parades, events, etc.) g) Bicycle Patrol j) Clerical/Admin. Duties b) General Duty c) General Duty (patrolling alone) (patrolling with another auxiliary) e) Traffic Duties f) Foot Patrol h) Boat Patrol i) ATV Patrol l) Emergency Disaster k) Crime Prevention (i.e. Block Watch) m) Other (please specify): ________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________ 6. Choosing from the list of related duties in Question # 5, please identify two duties that you most enjoy. 1. _________________ 2. __________________ 7. Choosing from the list of related duties in Question #5, please identify two duties that you least enjoy. 1. _________________ 2. __________________ 8. As an auxiliary member over the last year, what percentage of time did you spend worki 9. ng under the following arrangement(s)? (Again, please ensure that your percentages add up to 100%) Working alone, but under the direction of a regular member Working alongside a regular member Working alongside another auxiliary member 54 Section B. Initial Training This section asks for information about the initial training you received as an auxiliary member. In particular, I am interested to know how much initial training you received, how it was delivered, and your opinion about its usefulness. 1. Approximately, how many hours of initial training did you receive? ________ hours 2. Under what format was your initial training provided? (Please check all that apply) Mostly formalized classroom instruction Some formalized classroom instruction No formalized classroom instruction I mostly learned on the job Other: (please specify) _____________________________________ 3. Did your initial training classes include? (Please check all that apply) Combined training class of auxiliary members from one or more detachments Training class made up exclusively of auxiliary members from my detachment 4. Please tell me how satisfied you are with the initial training you received. (Please use check marks) Very Dissatisfied a) The extent to which your training equipped you for the duties you perform as an auxiliary officer b) Regarding the instructors’ ability to teach the subject matter c) Regarding your overall level of satisfaction with the training you received 55 Dissatisfied Satisfied Very Satisfied Section C. Subsequent Training This section asks for information about any subsequent training that you have received as an auxiliary member, beyond your initial training. In particular, I am interested in how much subsequent training you have received, how it was delivered, and your opinion regarding its usefulness. 1. Have you received any subsequent training? (If no proceed to Section D) No Yes 2. Approximately, how many hours of subsequent training have you received? _______ hours 3. Please indicate if you have had any subsequent training in any of the areas listed below. (Check all that apply) a) Crowd Control (parades, events, etc) d) Bicycle Patrol g) Clerical/Admin. Duties b) Traffic Duties c) Foot Patrol e) Boat Patrol f) ATV Patrol h) Crime Prevention i) (i.e. Block Watch) Emergency Disaster m) Other (please specify): ________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________ 4. Under what format was your subsequent training provided? (Please check all that apply) Mostly formalized classroom instruction Some formal instruction, but I mostly learned on the job No formal classroom instruction, I learned virtually everything on the job Other (please specify): __________________________________________ 5. Please tell me how satisfied you are with the subsequent training you received (Please use check marks). Very Dissatisfied a) The extent to which your training equipped you for the duties you perform as an auxiliary officer b) Regarding the instructors’ ability to teach the subject matter c) Regarding your overall level of satisfaction with the initial training you received 56 Dissatisfied Satisfied Very Satisfied Section D. Level of Acceptance This section is designed to help me better understand how the auxiliary program is accepted at your detachment. It will also help me understand how satisfied you are in your role as an auxiliary member. Please tell me how satisfied you are with each of the items below. Very Dissatisfied 1. The extent to which I am readily accepted as an auxiliary member by regular members at my detachment 2. The extent to which regular members at my detachment treat me like a valued addition to their team 3. The extent to which regular members at my detachment seem eager to help me learn about policing 4. The extent to which I am supported by midline managers (e.g. Corporals, Sergeants, Staff Sergeants) at my detachment 5. The extent to which the tasks I do as an auxiliary are interesting 6. The extent to which I feel safe working as an auxiliary 7. The quality of supervision I receive as an auxiliary 8. The auxiliary member uniform 9. The schedule that I work as an auxiliary member 10. The respect I receive from members of the public 11. Overall, how satisfied are you working as an auxiliary member 57 Dissatisfied Satisfied Very Satisfied Section D. Level of Acceptance (cont.) 12. Please indicate why you became an auxiliary member. (Check all that apply) To increase my opportunity in becoming a regular member To discover if I would like to become a regular member It seemed like an exciting opportunity To serve my community Other: (please specify) _______________________________________________ 13. Have you personally received recognition from the RCMP for your volunteer service as an auxiliary member? (Check all that apply) Yes, formal appreciation (banquets or other similar functions) Yes, informal appreciation (being included in detachment gatherings such as barbeques or social events) Yes, letters or certificates of appreciation Yes, other: (please specify) _______________________________________________ No, to date I have not received recognition for my services 14. Since becoming an auxiliary member, my opinion of the RCMP auxiliary program has: remained the same worsened somewhat worsened significantly improved significantly improved somewhat 15. Since becoming an auxiliary member, my opinion of the RCMP overall has: remained the same worsened somewhat worsened significantly improved significantly improved somewhat 16. How much longer do you anticipate remaining with the auxiliary program? Less than one year One to five years 58 More than five years Section E. Demographics The following questions will help me understand the general characteristics of people who enter the auxiliary policing program. 1. What is your age? ____________ years old 2. What is your gender: Male 3. What is your highest level of completed education? 4. Are you a visible minority? Female Less than High School Graduation Undergraduate Diploma High School Graduation Undergraduate Degree Some Post Secondary Graduate Degree Training/Apprentice Program Professional Degree Yes No 5. Do you speak any language other than English? Yes No If yes ,please specify _______________________ 6. What is your current employment status? Employed Full Time Employed Part Time Unemployed Retired 7. What is your current occupation? ____________________________________________ 8. Please list any particular skill sets that you possess that you feel could be applied to policing. (ie: second language, advanced first aid, search & rescue, accounting skills, computer skills, self defense) ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ 9. How would you suggest the Auxiliary program be improved to benefit auxiliary members such as you? (Please use back of page if more space required for your comments). ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ Thank you for your participation 59 Appendix B: Occupations Held by Respondents Airline pilot Air traffic Controller Automotive industry (Mechanic, Parts, sales etc) Auto body repair Broadcaster Business owner Book keeper / accountant Contractor Municipal Employee (Bylaws, Engineer, Guard) Rail Transportation Corrections Community Support Computer Technicians Courier Health and Beauty Industry Educator Dispatcher Electrical Contractors Managers (business, hotels, insurance, etc) Provincial Government 60 Gas Industry (fitting, service) Ambulance service Medical/Mental health Probation Counsellors Therapists Students Teachers Social workers Shipping/receiving University (teaching, admin) Labourer ( logging industry) Truck Driver Stay at parents Sales (medical, insurance) Retail Insurance industry Loss Prevention Industry Federal Government